CONVENTION

Industrial Workers of the World

SEVENTH DAY

Tuesday, July 4

MORNING SESSION

Chairman Haywood called the convention to order at nine o’clock A. M.

On motion the calling of the roll of delegates was dispensed with. Secretary Trautmann read the minutes of the previous day’s proceedings.

THE CHAIRMAN: You have heard the minutes. Are there any corrections?

DEL. SAUNDERS: I don’t know whether there was any action taken or whether there was a report on a resolution that I presented two days ago in regard to the eligibility of members. I am not quite sure as to where it was referred to, whether to the Constitution Committee or the Resolutions Committee or what, but I have heard nothing of it since. I would like to know if any action has been taken or whether there is any report from the committee.

THE CHAIRMAN: Will the Secretary inform the brother?

THE SECRETARY: I don’t know the number of that resolution. It was referred to the Constitution Committee, and they have not reported on it.

THE CHAIRMAN: Are there any corrections to be made in the minutes? If not, they are approved.

The Secretary announced that there were no communications.

CREDENTIALS.

DEL. WHITE: The Credentials Committee desires that all credentials be presented here at this time. We do not propose to wait on individual credentials much longer. Here are two delegates recommended to the convention, to be seated with one vote each: John Spielman, bookbinder, Chicago; L. Bingstrom, No. 73, Sheet Metal Workers, Chicago.

On motion the report of the committee was concurred in and the delegates seated.

RATIFICATION MEETING.

DEL. HELD: The Committee on Ratification Meeting report their work well under way, and the committee report progress.

CONSTITUTION.

DEL. DE LEON: In the absence of the secretary, I wish to say that we were instructed to report that the Committee on Constitution will be ready to report at two o’clock this afternoon. We report progress.

MILITARISM.

DEL. COATES, OF THE RESOLUTION COMMITTEE: The following resolution, No. 20, was referred to this committee:

“In view of the fact that the present form of capitalism is increasing organized violence to perpetuate the spirit of despotism to predominate in this republic; be it

“Resolved, That we condemn militarism in all its forms and functions, which are jeopardizing our constitutional rights and privileges in the struggle between capital and labor; be it further

“Resolved, That any member accepting a salaried position to defend capitalism, directly or indirectly, shall be denied the privilege of membership in this organization.”

The committee offers the following in its place:

“Whereas, The present form of capitalism is increasing organized violence to perpetuate the spirit of despotism; and

“Whereas, The result of this spirit will be the further degradation and oppression of the working class; therefore, be it

“Resolved, That we condemn militarism in all its forms and functions, which are jeopardizing our constitutional rights and privileges in the struggle between capital and labor; and be it further

“Resolved, That any person joining the militia or accepting position under sheriffs and police powers or as members of detective agencies or employers’ hirelings in times of industrial disturbance, shall be forever denied the privilege of membership in this organization.”

The committee recommends that the substitute be adopted.

THE CHAIRMAN: You have heard the report of your committee. What is the pleasure of the convention?

Delegate Sunagel moved the adoption of the report.

DEL. SAUNDERS: I move to amend by striking out “capital and labor” and inserting “the capitalist class and the working class,” and to strike out the word “privilege.” I move to adopt with that exception.

THE CHAIRMAN: It will be necessary for the delegate to reduce that motion to writing.

DEL. SAUNDERS: All right.

DEL. COATES: We intended to make that “capitalists and laborers.”

THE CHAIRMAN: Isn’t that the way it reads?

DEL. COATES: No, I think it reads “capital and labor.”

Delegate Klemensic requested another reading of the resolution, and Delegate Coates complied with the request.

THE CHAIRMAN: Delegate Saunders, will you kindly take notice to the manner in which this resolution is corrected?

DEL. SAUNDERS: Yes.

In the second reading by Delegate Coates the language was changed to read “capitalists and laborers” instead of “capital and labor.”

DEL. KLEMENSIC: Mr. Chairman and brother delegates, as the mover of the first resolution, I desire to say that I heartily endorse the second one, because it states exactly the spirit that we want to put down. I heartily approve it as it is written, and hope it will be adopted as reported by the committee.

DEL. COATES: The committee moves that it be adopted. (Motion seconded.)

DEL. SAUNDERS: As to the privilege, you know it is not a privilege but a right.

THE CHAIRMAN: It has been regularly moved and seconded that the resolution be adopted as read. An amendment has been offered that the word “privilege” be stricken out where used.

DEL. SAUNDERS: Where used.

DEL. SPEARS: I want to add an amendment to that, that we bar out any person who takes a nomination for office from a capitalist political party. (Amendment seconded.)

THE CHAIRMAN: There has been an amendment offered to the amendment, that we bar out all those that accept a nomination: on what?

Delegate Spears handed up his amendment in writing.

THE CHAIRMAN (reading amendment): “From capitalist political parties as nominees for office.” You have heard the amendment to the amendment.

DEL. SAUNDERS: I would like to suggest to the party that made the last amendment to the amendment, to insert one or two words in here; that is, that those who accept not only the nomination but endorsement of any capitalist political party or organization shall be barred. I will state my reasons—

DEL. SPEARS: I accept the suggestion.

DEL. KLEMENSIC: Mr. Chairman and Brother Delegates, right on this point, when we are interfering with this political amendment, we will be up against it in the Western Federation of Miners, Now, in the Western Federation of Miners we have one of the strongest unions; it is the Butte miners’ union. Their situation is a very peculiar one at the present time in the struggle between capital and labor. There is a number of men, maybe about half a dozen, members of the Western Federation of Miners, that are practically in control of the Republican party there, and that the struggle did not start yet in Montana is due to the intelligent position of this Western Federation of Miners. Those men are the ones that have thus far kept the struggle away between capital and labor in that state. What we know is that the sruggle will commence there some time, and when it does the interests of capital will be identical, and they will no doubt join hands and make a hard fight against the organized workingmen. But as it stands now, there are workingmen that are practically in control of the Republican party, and if we accept this amendment we would brand those men as traitors to organized labor. Now, at our convention at Salt Lake City, those men practically declared themselves ready to take up industrial unionism. They believe it is right, but they say we will jeopardize ourselves as we stand in a peculiar position just now. Now, if through our organization we can get something from the capitalists we might just as well get it. Those men are just as intelligent as we are, and as soon as the capitalists show a united front against the working class all those men will be ready to go into the Socialist camp, but they are not ready yet. There is one thing to state here, that the Butte miners’ union of Montana is one of the strongest unions, and they will come up with the goods when it comes to the final struggle, and they will come with the money. They are one of the strongest unions in men and money, and we have to take this fact into consideration. Furthermore, if we declare that our organization is not a political organization, what right have we to brand any political leaders as political fakirs? We have no right to do it. (Applause). If we take our stand on the economic struggle, we should not mix politics in the organization.

DEL. SPEARS: That is the vital point and the only one I care for in this convention. If you are going to organize this on the class struggle, organize it so, and don’t put any man between the two horns of a dilemma. The delegate here says he is afraid for six or eight Republicans in the Western Federation of Miners. If he is interested in the working class he don’t need to care about men who endorse capitalist politics and capitalist parties. This union endorses nobody and no organization, and we had better not vote at all than endorse an organization or allow any of the officials to go on a capitalist ticket.

DEL. M. P. HAGGERTY, BUTTE: Mr. Chairman and Brother Delegates, I may digress a little from time to time from the actual question under discussion, but I will not lose sight of it; I will keep it in sight continuously. I will say that I came to this convention with great hopes. If you will prove to me conclusively—I hope you will do it—that the tone of this convention is equal to—has reached the high level whereby this body will put itself upon record as saying to the working class, “No man nominated by a party other than that which recognizes the class struggle, a revolutionary political party, can find lodgment here,” I will go home highly pleased, notwithstanding the fact that it puts me outside of the movement; but you need not bother about that. I want to see a resolution or an amendment such as is outlined here pass; that no man other than one nominated by a class conscious, revolutionary, political party can find a home in this new movement. That is what I want to see. (Applause). If you fall short of that, you will not be doing your duty to the working class. It is true that back in the State of Montana we have a peculiar condition of things. Some five or six years ago I attended a convention of the state labor movement in the city of Helena, in September, 1899. I went with the delegates from the organization that sent me to this convention. It devolved upon that convention to go forth and organize what we know as a political party. The movement had been instigated previous to that, but that convention was called upon to organize. I was put upon the executive board for the purpose of organizing such a party. We had a purpose in view. What was that purpose? The smeltermen in the State of Montana had been working twelve hours a day. The miners had been working ten hours a day. We demanded an eight-hour day, and made every effort along the lines called moral force to get it, but could not succeed. We went into politics and organized a labor party, and I have not heard of or seen at any time a more revolutionary body than that labor party convention which met in the city of Helena in September, 1899. It is true, there was a difference of opinion. McDonald and Fairgrieve and many others were there and assisted in building up this party. We had that one thing in view—the reduction of the hours of labor from twelve to eight. After the party had been organized the capitalist parties commenced to lay plans to seize upon it. We found the Amalgamated Mining Company upon one side, and Senator Clark and F. E. Heinze upon the other, at war. There was an opportunity that we could not miss. We seized upon the opportunity. Clark wanted to become a United States senator, and F. A. Heinze wanted something else, and we knew it. I maintain that we did not go to them, but compelled them to come to us, but nevertheless there was a capitalist combination with a labor party, and hence it becomes capitalistic. We went to the polls and united our movement to theirs. Twelve men went to the legislative body from that county. In the division we got six of the twelve. We got the sheriff of the county, the coroner and others. I was nominated for the office of county commissioner and was elected. Now, then, the eight-hour day was the object of this movement. It passed the legislative body, and the governor was compelled to sign it, though he was a capitalist. Two years ago they asked that it be put into the constitution. It was done, and the people voted overwhelmingly to have the eight-hour day put into the constitution, and that is the way that the people of Montana secured the eight-hour day in that state. There was no strike, no bloodshed, no troops, no Citizens’ Alliances, We got it through a determined effort on the part of the working people to get it. We caught the capitalist parties quarreling, and took advantage of it. We knew that the chance was only temporary. The labor party has served its aim and purpose and has practically expired and gone out of existence. The term of office for which I was elected has been a very long one. It expires in November; but I can assure you that I am heartily in favor of a resolution by this convention saying that no man other than one who is elected on a class conscious, revolutionary, Socialist party ticket can be a member of this organization. (Applause.) This may be the turning point in your movement. Don’t go out from here with a Sam Gompers organization such as we have heard depicted here. There has been some protest made here because some brother has said the working people are not intelligent enough, but after listening to the indictment in regard to the outrages and wrongs and the great maltreatment the working people have received, with no protest against it, what conclusion can you arrive at except that the working people are not intelligent. Now, then, let us pass a resolution, and make it good and strong, that no official except one who is elected on a revolutionary ticket of the highest order can come into your organization. I thank you.

A DELEGATE: What is before the house?

ANOTHER DELEGATE: The amendment.

DEL. LUELLA TWINING, PUEBLO: Mr. Chairman, I consider the amendment is unconstitutional, for in our Preamble we are against political affiliation. How can we interfere with the political aspirations or actions of our members?

THE CHAIRMAN: Delegate Twining has suggested that a resolution stating that no man shall be eligible to membership that accepts a nomination on a capitalistic ticket, is antagonistic to the Preamble that has been adopted by this convention. The chair is of the same opinion, and will rule this amendment out of order.

DEL. SPEARS: I take an appeal from that decision.

THE CHAIRMAN: The decision of the chair has been appealed from. Those in favor of sustaining the chair will say aye. Contrary no. The chair seems to be sustained. The vote now occurs on the amendment to strike out the word “privileges.”

DEL. SAUNDERS: I wish to speak to that motion. I am opposed, to the word “privileges,” because in the Preamble it states that this organization starts out as a revolutionary organization. We have gone as far as we possibly can to do away with and obliterate those words and terms which have been so significant in keeping the working class in ignorance. Therefore when we speak of privilege it only means one thing; it means a privilege that we never had. In regard to the first part where the “privilege” obtains, I am opposed to it for the reason that we have no privilege at all in that respect; and in the second part where we propose to give the privilege to come into this organization, there is another word besides privilege, and that is “right,” and I believe that is sufficient. As long as you rest on the intelligence of the membership I believe the word “right” is sufficient. If you want more, use a synonymous word, but a synonym to “right” is not “privilege.” The right in this organization is the might that this organization has to debar those who do not come up to its qualifications. A privilege simply means something that we can give to any individual; and in doing that, in making that amendment to the motion, I had that in mind. As to the objection that was raised by myself in the first place, in regard to the struggle between capital and labor, I stated that it should be “laborers and capitalists,” but it seems to me that that is not sufficient; that it should be “the working class and the capitalist class,” because “capitalist class” takes in not only the capitalists, but also their henchmen along with them; and where you simply say “capitalists” it is not sufficient, in my opinion.

THE CHAIRMAN: The delegate will confine himself to the amendment.

Here Delegate Sunagel made a remark that could not be understood by the reporter.

DEL. SAUNDERS: I do not know what the delegate said, but I understand that technically I am out of order, because I accepted the suggestion of Brother Coates in making it “laborers and capitalists.” I hope some other delegate will make an amendment to even strike that out and make it “capitalist class and working class.”

THE CHAIRMAN: The amendment is that the word “privileges” be stricken out where it occurs in the resolution. Are you ready for the question? (Question called for) Those in favor will signify it by saying aye. Contrary no. The ayes have it; the word “privilege” will be stricken out. The motion now occurs on the resolution as amended.

By request of a delegate the resolution was again read by Delegate Coates.

DEL. MURTAUGH: Mr. President, I believe the passage of that resolution by this convention would be a mistake, because it would be denying ourselves the use of the very weapon that we may have to use in order to emancipate the working class. The hope of Russia to-day, and the only hope of Russia to-day, is that the army of Russia may be permeated with the spirit of revolution. The thing that made the French revolution successful was the fact that the army in France at that time was permeated with that spirit. The reason for the outrages in Colorado was that we did not have men with the right spirit in the militia in Colorado. You allow the government to organize the other fellow against you, arm him with a superior weapon, and you become almost absolutely helpless. When we have sense enough to go into the militia as a body you will find that the other fellow will be opposing us in our attempt to do that, and we should not add our own opposition to it. I wish that every workingman in the United States, every member of organized labor at least in the United States, was also a member of a militia company and was armed with the best weapons known. and I believe if that were the case—I believe it is possible to bring about that result—if that were the case such outrages as occurred in Colorado recently would never occur again in our history.

DEL. COATES: I did not intend to say a word on this, and I am not going to take up much of your time, but I want to say to Delegate Murtaugh that he does not know what he is talking about (laughter) at least when he speaks of conditions in Colorado. We have gone through just exactly the same experience that you have suggested to this convention. Not more than five years ago we deliberately planned to capture the militia power of Colorado.

DEL. MURTAUGH: Yes, we succeeded, and just as soon as we succeeded—

THE CHAIRMAN: Will you permit the chair to suggest that we succeeded to the extent of having Delegate Coates here at one time commander-in-chief of that militia.

Del. Coates: You bet, and I was not very proud of the distinction, either (laughter). We succeeded, I say, so far that just as soon as the next administration came into power they disbanded every one of our companies of militia; that is what they did. And they disbanded them for no other reason than that they were members of organized labor and unfit to do duty to the State of Colorado under such circumstances. (Applause). That is going to be your experience.

DEL. MORRISON: I just want to ask the gentleman a question.

DEL. COATES: Sure; go ahead.

DEL. MORRISON: If you do organize yourselves and become a factor, and the incoming administration recognize that fact and disband you, isn’t that an argument that that is the line to proceed along, but perhaps in a little different way?

DEL. COATES: I don’t think so. I don’t think you can get into the militia and stay in.

DEL. MURTAUGH: I would like to ask Delegate Coates a question.

DEL. COATES: All right.

THE CHAIRMAN: If Delegate Coates desires to answer the question.

DEL. COATES: I would be very glad to answer any question.

DEL. MURTAUGH: The question is, when you were organized as a State militia, whether it was class conscious enough to act together as a militia in Colorado.

DEL. COATES: It was partially class conscious, enough that we decided to all shoot together.

DEL. MURTAUGH: In the event of the laboring people of the United States or the workers of the United States got in the same class conscious condition, in your judgment wouldn’t it be a mistake to refuse to take advantage of the opportunity to gain control of the militia?

THE CHAIRMAN: It is the opinion of the chair that there are not half a dozen dissenting votes against this resolution in this convention, and it is criminal on the part of delegates to use up the time in discussing it. (Applause.)

Question called for.

DEL. WHITE: I want to make one statement, and that is that when you talk about workmen going into the militia, there is nothing but workingmen in the militia. There is no capitalist militia. You have got a workingman’s militia to-day.

The question was then put by the Chairman, and the resolution was adopted.

RESOLUTION NO. 22.

DEL. COATES: The next resolution will give the delegate over there just what he wants. It is Resolution No. 22:

“Whereas, Owing to the fact that the legislatures of certain states have passed bills making it a misdemeanor for workingmen to persuade or attempt to persuade other workingmen from joining military organization; and

“Whereas, We, as United Workers, recognize that patriotism is one of the cardinal virtues and should be inculcated into the minds of all those having their country’s interest at heart; and

“Whereas, It is a well-known fact that a well-trained regiment is superior to one that is not so trained, and military training would be absolutely indispensable to the protection of the property interests of the country in the face of a foreign invasion; and

“Whereas, By emulating the example of our beloved President it is possible for any among our membership to attain to the same exalted position ; and

“Whereas, A contingency might even arise in which such training and membership in such an organization might be of value to the workingman as a workingman; therefore, be it

“Resolved, That it is the sense of this organization that its members affiliate at once with the different state military bodies, and that they also show their loyalty to the present government by persuading all brother members to do likewise.” (Signed, Bert M. Sauer, Industrial Workers’ Club, Chicago

DEL. COATES: The Resolution Committee report on this resolution that the same be laid on the table. I move you that the recommendation of the committee be concurred in. (Motion seconded.)

The motion was put and unanimously carried.

LITERATURE AND PRESS.

DEL. BRIMBLE: The Committee on Literature and Press report on Resolution 21, submitted by Delegate Chas. Kiehn, of Hoboken, N. J., that the resolution does not come within its province, and we hand it back. We also report that the committee has completed its indictment of the old-line trades unionism, that the same has been passed upon by the committee, and is now submitted to the convention.

INDICTMENT OF OLD-LINE TRADES UNIONISM.

Del. Dinger, for the Committee on Literature and Press, then read the following report:

In presenting its indictment, of what is known as old-line or pure-and-simple trades unionism, the Industrial Union wishes it to be understood that it is not intent upon making trouble; and, at the same time, we wish it to be understood that we do not shrink from the task that lies before us when we realize that our attempt to bring freedom to the worker may bring on trouble. We, as class conscious members of the working class, aware of the rights and the power of our class if brought to a realization of the position which it should occupy in society, have, as an aim, the bringing to an end of wage slavery and the establishment of the Cooperative Commonwealth, a system of society in which there shall be neither exploiter nor exploited, and in which he who contributes to the well-being of society shall receive the equivalent of the full product of his labor.

The man of average intelligence, taking a view of the world to-day, must be struck with two things. First: that every country in the civilized world produces more than is consumed at home, and, as a consequence, commodities to the value of hundreds of millions are annually exported; and, secondly, that the greater part of the working class is just above the starvation line, and, in part below it. The question then arises, “What is the cause of this?” And in reply we say, “A minority of the members of society own and control the means of production and distribution, and, as a result, are able to dictate the terms of life to the many. The workers having aspirations above a life in which the conditions are hard and precarious, and in which the life of the toiler is sacrificed without stint that the cupidity of the capitalist may be satisfied, look for something better, and inquire as to the right of him who produces nothing receiving the greater part of the product of the community. ”

In the struggles of the rising capitalist class with decadent feudalism the worker was told that the master in the shop was his friend and the baron his enemy, and, as a consequence, the toiler fought the battles of his immediate exploiter to a successful issue. This accomplished, it was found that he had but changed one master for another, and that he was more mercilessly exploited under capitalism than had been the case under the old regime. Naturally, men sought for relief, and it was pointed out that salvation lay in union. Against the individual employer the battle for improved conditions was comparatively easy, and many advances were made. But capitalism, to live, must develop, and it did develop, while unionism stood still. The individual capitalist gave way to the partnership; the partnership to the stock company ; the stock company to the trust; and now the trust is giving way to the trust of trusts. In face of this progress of capitalism, trades unionism stood, and stands, still, and, as a result, we see the workers, as a class, almost helpless before the masters in the political arena and on the field of labor. What is to be done?

It is our contention that craft unionism is not able, even if it desired such an issue, to work the salvation of our class. It is our contention that capitalism in which culminates the brutalities and cynicisms of the ages, finds no stronger buttress than the machines built by Samuel Gompers and men of his stripe. They are better friends to capitalism than is the capitalist himself.

The basic feature of old-line trades unionism is that the interests of capital and labor are identical. If this be the fact, why the necessity of a labor organization at all? If the interest of the capitalist be that of the toiler, surely the capitalist may be trusted to see to us, and we to him. The existence of an organization designed even ostensibly to further the interests of labor gives the assertion of the pure-and-simple unionists the lie. Based upon a contradiction it is only to be expected that old-line unionism breeds corruption as a swamp breeds mosquitoes. The following evidence in support of our claim is not the one-hundredth part of what may be advanced.

Among pure-and-simple unions in America the A. F. of L. takes preeminence, and its leader, Samuel Gompers, is the chief of his tribe. The character of the man and of the organization may be estimated from the following extract from the exhibit of the A. F. of L. in the St. Louis Exposition: “It should be remembered that it was the councils of the A. F. of L., acting in conjunction with the chiefs of the railway brotherhoods which refused, in the face of immense pressure, to participate in the great strike on the railroads centering in Chicago in 1894, and thus averted a bloody and disastrous conflict with the military forces of the United States.” Here we have the officials of the A. F. of L. making a boast before the capitalist class of their treachery toward labor in the great A. R. U. strike.

According to a letter sent out from the headquarters of the A. F. of L., dated April M, 1902, it is shown that the A. F. of L. had decided to carry on a secret war of extermination against the Western Federation of Miners and the American Labor Union, and was actually engaged in doing so, while on the face of things it was extending the hand of fellowship to the organizations named. This is the spirit of the men who are accusing us of attempting to set up dual unions. Whatever we do, be it good or bad, we are doing in the open, and not using the methods of the midnight assassin.

In 1904, when the locals of the W. F. M. were being crushed in the Cripple Creek district, Samuel Gompers came to Denver to organize the miners who had stood by the capitalist class into the A. F. of L.; and after the riots of June, 1904, when the campaign against the W. F. M. was fiercest, the A. F. of L. was expressly exempted from the punishment being meted out to the miners. A man is known by the company he keeps, and an organization by its friends. That being granted, we may get a line on the character of the A. F. of L. from the fact that it was looked upon favorably by the Citizens’ Alliance, the Mine Owners’ Association, by Peabody and all the elements opposed to the miners who had struck work in defense of their brothers.

Had the railway brotherhoods refused to “spot” the cars at the mills at Colorado City, it cannot be doubted that the strike would have been speedily won. As it was, the officials of those organizations declined to accede to the request of President Moyer, and their answers were of such a character as to make the matter contained therein to be available to the Peabody element, which has carried the oppression of the workers to the limit as yet reached in America, as campaign matter.

Richard Cyormiack, an Austrian glass blower, worked at his trade in Germany, being a member of the union there and in England, where he worked upon leaving Germany. Upon obtaining employment in Mexico he found no union there and immediately set about organizing one. Coming to the United States he applied for membership in the Green Bottle Blowers’ Association in the United, presenting evidence as to his competence as a workman and his record as a unionist. He was told that membership in the union would cost him an initiation fee of $500.00, and the men who set this prohibitive price upon admission to the union, which, with them, means the getting of a job, claim that they stand for the unity of labor!

When the members of the American Flint Glass Workers were on strike in Olean, N. Y., D. A. Hayes, president of the Green Bottle Blowers’ Association, and sixth vice-president of the A. F. of L., sent an executive officer to Washington, Pa., who installed a crew of non-unionists into the G. B. B. A., and paid their transportation to Olean, at which place the newly-elected members of the G. B. B. A. were put to work, taking the places of the striking members of the A. F. G. W. U. The officers of the last-named organization preferred charges against sixth Vice-President Hayes, of the A. F. of L., and the case was brought before the executive council and officers of the Federation in Washington, D. C. Upon hearing the evidence the council rendered the following verdict: “We find D. A. Hayes not guilty. He simply sent an officer to a nonunion locality and converted a crew of nonunion men into union men and transported them to another locality to fill the complement of men required at that factory.” In other words, the A. F. of L. machine, of which Hayes is a part, attempted to cover up the fact that he had taken scabs and had given them the union card, and had then paid their way to a place where union men were on strike, that the strike might be broken and the bosses triumph. And this is the same president and the same organization that raised a wall of $500.00 initiation fee to keep out a good union man and thereby forced him to become a scab or give up his trade, in line with the craft spirit which prompts the few to seek monopoly of the jobs, and whose officers in doing the dirty work of the capitalist class take arrant scabs and make good union men of them to serve the ends of the employers. Why did not Mr. Gompers meet the strike breakers as they came into Chicago and organize them into the Federation? Such action would be as creditable to the A. F. of L. as those cited.

The miners employed in District 15, United Mine Workers of America, declined to go to work under the conditions fixed by their officials and the mine owners, and were punished for doing so by being placed on the blacklist of the capitalists and of the union.

The miners of Germany sent 6,000 marks to the miners of America when they were on strike, and, in return, when the miners of the Ruhr district in Germany went on strike, Vice-President Lewis, of the U. M. W. of A., said: “The U. M. W. of A. will take no interest in the strikes in Germany.” The editor of the “Mine Workers’ Journal,” in urging that the membership of the union accept a reduction in wages demanded by the operators, says that: “The clergy approve it (the U. M. W. of A.) ; the press has lost its venom, the operator looks upon it as a necessity to a successful conduct of his business” ; and goes on to “pray that God in his wisdom may guide and direct them (the miners) to have the moral courage and sublime wisdom to stand by their great captains in the hours of need,” and they, the “great captains of labor,” are standing by the great captains of industry, to the detriment of the workers. You may hear many things of the Industrial Union, but you will never view the spectacle of one of its leaders praying God, in its official organ, that the miners may fall in with the desires of the masters and accept a reduction in wages.

Pure and simple union leaders are not above conspiring with certain of the manufacturers to raise the price of goods. At a meeting of manufacturers as reported in the “Boot and Shoe Worker” it was stated that “an advance in the selling price of shoes was absolutely necessary, not only to the welfare of the shoe-manufacturer, but also to the jobber and retailer.” This was spoken of as a “step in the right direction.” In the same issue an argument is made against a demand that wages be increased before the stamp be issued on the ground that such a course would be senseless. Here we see the labor fakir eager to increase the profits of the capitalist, or, at least, to keep them from falling, while, at the same time, he ridicules the idea that conditions be improved in the shop before the stamp be issued.

The case of the Boot and Shoe Workers’ Union and the Hamilton-Brown Shoe Co., of St. Louis, is an illustration of the manner in which the rank and file are manipulated by the labor hierarchy in the interests of the capitalists. “The St. Louis contract gave the use of the label to the Hamilton-Brown Shoe Co. which had been boycotted for years because of its unfairness to organized labor, and which, under the proposed “union” contract, would operate under no better wages and rules, and would even operate two out of its three factories as “scab” shops and raider nonunion conditions. The membership of the St. Louis locals protested against this remarkable “union” contract further on account of a provision that “all questions and conditions of labor in the factory be left to the firm to determine.” The membership protested in vain, however, and general Vice-President Lovely and General-Secretary Eaton forced the contract upon them. Shortly after the contract went into effect Mr. Eaton resigned as general-secretary and became superintendent of the Hamilton-Brown factory at a salary of $5,000.00 a year! It is a thing worthy of note that in the “union” stamp factory of which Mr. Eaton was superintendent wages averaged lower and conditions worse than in the open or nonunion shops of his competitors! ! Here we see the apostate, always remarkable for his zeal in the cause to which he goes over, receiving the thirty pieces of silver, and Mr. Eaton is not alone in this. There are many such but, unlike Judas, they haven’t the sense of right and wrong developed to the extent of realizing what they have done and going out quietly and hanging themselves. These men glory in their crimes, and display proudly the fruits of their betrayal of labor.

The queer work of the leaders of the B. & S. W. U. is not confined to St. Louis by any means. In Chicago an agreement was made with certain manufacturers in which it was expressly stated that “The manufacturers who are party to this agreement shall not be called upon to pay more than any other factories in various parts of the country making a similar grade of work,” which means, in plain English, that, conditions not being improved in the least, the men are to be saddled with the cost of maintaining the union.

To paraphrase Voltaire, the A. F. of L., which is the fine consummate flower of craft unionism is neither American, nor a federation, nor of labor. It is not American, because it is modeled upon lines that may have been useful in England sixty years ago but which are certainly outgrown to-day; it is not a federation as it is split up into warring factions, 116 in number, which “scab it” upon each other with great cheerfulness, as occasion demands; it is not of labor, as it takes its orders from the Belmonts of the Civic Federation.

The constitution of the Cigar Makers Union aims to establish an aristocracy of labor and discriminates against workingmen because of their race and their poverty. Section 64, page 17, of the constitution provides that “all persons engaged in the cigar industry except Chinese and tenement house workers shall be eligible to membership.” “It is further specified that the acceptance of rollers and filler-breakers as members by initiation or card shall be optional with local unions except in places where the system has already been introduced.” This section is clearly designed to foster a monopoly of a few craftsmen in collusion with a certain class of manufacturers against outsiders. Section 154, page 39, reveals additional evidence in the clause that “no union shall be allowed to furnish the label for cigars made in whole or in part by machinery.” Thus the blue label of the cigar makers, instead of being a mark of improved conditions in the cigar industry, is a medium whereby a small proportion of the trades unionists by mutual agreement with employers on the selling price of cigars preserve some rights which they refuse to extend to others of their crafts who work in shops where machinery is used and to those whose employers cannot be forced to sell their goods at prices stipulated by the union. Yet, in spite of these restrictions, and notwithstanding membership discrimination against Chinese and tenement workers, Section 154 of the constitution provides that “when the manufacturer deals in Chinese or tenement house (scab) cigars it shall be optional with local unions to withhold the label from such a firm.” Stogie makers and common workers in cigar factories and employes of the cigar trust are absolutely debarred from the union, and when they tried to organize under the A. F. of L. they were refused a charter because the C. M. I. U. of A. objected to its issuance.

At the last national convention of the Typographical Union a resolution to the effect that members of the union should be debarred from joining the militia was voted down, and, whenever the militia is called out to assist the capitalist class in breaking a strike, the spectacle may be seen of “good union men” shooting at other union men and mistreating their wives and children.

In bringing to an end, at this time, the evidence as to the corruption of the pure and simple labor leader and the failure of old-line trades unionism, notice must be taken of the conditions of the aristocrats of the labor world, the railway men, who, through their organizations, do so much to perpetuate the reign of the exploiter. The “brotherhoods” have no scruples when it comes to hauling strike-breakers and soldiers to the scene of trouble in the world of labor. These “unions” hold aloof from the rest of their fellows, and how are they repaid by their friends, the capitalists? There can be no question that labor on the railways is being intensified; that old employes are being turned off to make room for young men; and that tens of thousands of men are killed and injured every year that dividends may be produced to provide for the maintenance of the Gould family’s French count and the Vanderbilt’s English dukes.

In bringing our indictment of craft unionism to a close we wish to emphasize the fact that it is part and parcel of capitalism, and that the corruption of its leaders is but the outgrowth of its principles, and that the attempt to bring about the emancipation of our class through “boring from within” is a delusion.

Craft unionism stands for capitalism; industrial unionism stands for the working class, and, upon that ground, makes its appeal to you. We contend that the craft unions even when purged of its fakirs, has become obsolete in the face of the development of industry. Therefore, we call upon the workers of all countries to unite under the banner of Industrial Unionism.

The reading of the report was received with applause.

DEL. MCEACHREN: Can I get some information, as to the object of this?

THE CHAIRMAN: The object of this indictment is to have it published in pamphlet form and distributed throughout the country.

DEL. MCEACHREN: As a member of this organization, I take it upon myself to say that the indictment is very incomplete. The indictment deals with individuals mainly, and we cannot be so hypocritical as to go before the working class of the country and say that we are not falsifiers and the other fellows are. I do not believe that that is the way to indict the trade union movement as it exists to-day. I think it is so farcical that it is an insult to the intelligence of workingmen. That is my opinion of it.

DEL. HALL: I move that the report be referred to the incoming Board of Directors for consideration. (Seconded.)

THE CHAIRMAN: It has been regularly moved and seconded that this manuscript, the indictment of the pure and simple trade union movement, be referred to the incoming Executive Board or to the Executive Board of this organization. You have heard the motion. Are you ready for the question?

Del. Ross: The work of the morning, Mr. Chairman and fellow delegates, seems to have been to define those who are properly qualified to be members in this coming organization, and to bring indictments against the already existing organizations. I want to say that there are three things that constitute a labor organization in its formation and in the accomplishment of its ultimate purposes. First, to agitate; second, to organize; and third, to educate. The indictment that could be justly brought against the existing organizations is lack of the last-named essential, failing to educate. I want to say that in the struggles of the past—and while I am doing so I glory in the fact—it was my privilege as a representative of some of the already existing organizations in the year 1896, to be called to the State of Tennessee and to the Commonwealth of Georgia, and with Comrade Robinson, now second vice-president of the International Association of Machinists, to stand up in behalf of the children of that State. For four weeks we met the legislative committee of fifteen members of the lower house and pleaded for the passage of a law to protect the children of that commonwealth of fourteen years and under from being worked in the mills, factories, workshops, stores, laundries, telegraph and telephone offices, and I want you to hear the result of that effort. At the end of four weeks’ time I was told that a report from the committee must be made, and it must be passed or rejected. When Comrade Robinson and I walked up street I said, “Do you realize that upon our hands we have the fight of our lives?” He said, “Yes.” I said, “You go to the State House, and I will go to the cotton mill situated in the suburbs of the city of Atlanta.” I went. I introduced myself to the superintendent of that mill. He said, “Captain, would you like to go through ?” I said, Certainly, and he took me through every floor from the bottom to the top and back. When we returned to the lower floor he asked me into the office, and I said, “No. Now, sir, I must inform you of my mission here. I have come to ask a special favor at your hands. I am in the State representing its children, and I want you to go before a committee in the State House this afternoon at two o’clock and there describe the conditions of the employes in this mill.” He dropped his head for a moment, and looked up, and I saw tears in his eyes. He said, “I will come, but I will lose my job.” And I want to say to the delegates in this convention that he did come, and also he lost his job. But here is what he said to that committee : “To my certain knowledge that mill employs children from 47 families, and by so doing deprives 47 fathers of jobs, who have nothing to do but walk the streets of the city of Atlanta and go down on Saturday night and draw their children’s wages. These children average eleven hours a day; their ages range from seven to 16 years, and they are paid the magnificent sum of from nine to 29 cents a day.” And with that information before that committee the committee reported the bill back for passage without a dissenting vote.

DEL. SAUNDERS: A point of order.

THE CHAIRMAN: The delegate has the floor. His time has nearly expired.

DEL. SAUNDERS: Well, I raise a point of order.

THE CHAIRMAN: What is the point of order?

DEL. SAUNDERS: My point of order is this: I have no objection to the gentleman continuing as long as he speaks to the motion, but I know he is not speaking to the motion at all and is wasting time.

DEL. ROSS: I am speaking to the motion, Mr. Chairman. It is simply the failure of the organizations in doing what this organization is going to be organized to do.

THE CHAIRMAN: The question before the house is the reference of this manuscript to the incoming Executive Board. The delegate will proceed.

DEL. WHITE: Are we going to discuss this thing for the next three weeks, seriatim? Are you going to discuss that book that was read to you? I move the previous question.

The previous question was called for, and the motion being put, was carried, and the chair declared the report referred to the incoming Executive Board.

The Committee on Literature and Press announced no further report. The Committees on Organization and Label and Emblem announced no reports to be made.

DEL. WHITE: Would a motion be in order at this time to limit the presentation of resolutions to twelve o’clock, no more resolutions to be received after twelve o’clock?

THE CHAIRMAN: Will you kindly reduce your motion to writing?

Delegate Schatzke endeavored to obtain the floor, but the delegates were not disposed to listen.

Delegate White reduced his motion to writing, and it was read by the Secretary, as follows:

“Resolved, That no more resolutions be presented after twelve o’clock noon, July 4th, unless by special motion.”

Delegate White moved the adoption of the resolution. Motion seconded by Delegate Payne.

DEL. COATES: I do not think we ought to pass that kind of a motion. We cannot tell what will come up in this convention, and when a resolution comes up we can act on it immediately. It is not going to do any harm to leave the matter open. I rather think that we ought to withdraw the resolution or we ought to defeat it. Let us give everybody an opportunity to the last minute. (Applause.)

DEL. WHITE: In presenting the resolution I desire to state that there has been quite a little time consumed in the convention over non-essential resolutions presented. I believe if everybody is going to present resolutions from now until the Committee on Constitution reports, we will take up the time on resolutions that amount to nothing as far as the interests of this convention are concerned. I believe that every man should have his resolutions ready by noon so that we can finish our business promptly and not spend time on technicalities.

The question on the adoption of the resolution was then put, and the motion to adopt was lost by a vote of 19 to 33.

DEL. SCOGGAN: In referring that long document to the incoming Executive Board, does that motion dispose of it and leave it to that board to do as they see fit with it?

THE CHAIRMAN: That is the opinion of the chair.

COMMUNICATIONS FROM FOREIGN COUNTRIES

SECRETARY TRAUTMANN: I have received letters from other countries relative to the issuance of the Manifesto, and in order to have them on record I have asked the chair to permit them to be read. In compliance with the instructions from the general conference, I sent to all foreign countries, with the exception of Great Britain, where I could not get the address of the class-conscious labor organizations, an address inviting them to send delegates to this convention.

The Secretary then read letters received from the following countries: 1, Germany; 2, Australia; 3, France; 4, Denmark. The letters are given below in translation, when necessary. The original circular letter sent to the various foreign countries precedes the answers. The documents are as follows:

WORKERS OF THE WORLD, UNITE!

INDUSTRIAL UNION MOVEMENT OF AMERICA. Temporary Executive Board.

W. D. HAYWOOD, President, 3 Pioneer Bldg., Denver, Col.

W. E. TRAUTMANN, Secretary, 16 East 7th St., Cinn., O.

A. ,M. SIMONS., CLARENCE SMITH, W. L. HALL.

All communications as to information, etc., should be addressed to

W. E. TRAUTMANN, 16 E. 7th St., Cinn., O.

Cincinnati, O., April 10, 1905

To the officers and members of the Central Administration of Industrial Sons of France,

Comrades and Fellow Workmen:—From the Manifesto herein enclosed, which was issued to the workers of the United States by members of economic organizations and Socialists, you will observe that the intent of this contemplated organization, which is to be established in Chicago, Ill., is to organize the workers of this land, and reorganize organizations already in existence, on approximately the same lines, and to adopt the same fundamental principles for the guidance of its administration, as are already in vogue in all progressive labor organizations of the European continent, and have made them effective, powerful instruments in the class struggle between the owners of the implements of production and distribution, and the producers of all wealth, while the unions of this land, as managed and conducted to-day are mostly used as instruments of the capitalist, through corrupt labor leaders, to perpetuate the capitalistic system of society.

The manifold and multiform treacherous services that have been and are every day being rendered to the capitalists by many, yea most of the labor leaders of the American Federation of Labor, through open and outrageous treason and appalling betrayal of the class interests of the workers; the evil influence on those leaders of an institution of capitalism, the National Civic Federation, which has already extended its sphere of corrupting influence over countries across the ocean, the general discontent, and the work of disintegration emanating as a result of these conditions, and the notorious crimes that are being perpetrated as outgrowths of so-called craft union, guild like separation and division, built upon the detestable principle of harmony between the master of the tools, and the servants exploited for profit at the operation of these instruments of production and distribution, all these combined, have made this step of reorganization absolutely necessary.

Many organizations, believing in the irrepressible class conflict within to-day’s society have already announced their readiness to become an active working part of this movement, and will be represented at the convention to be held June 27th in the city of Chicago. Other organizations may also decide to participate, and a complete reorganization of the forces of labor may be effected on the lines outlined in the Manifesto, exclusive of all elements of corruption, and of those controlled and guided by the interests of the exploiting class. The Western Federation of Miners, the world-wide known organization, the members of which have so nobly fought the vanguard battles of labor against capitalist brutalities in Idaho and in Colorado, and are still in the brunt of the battle, are chief promoters of this movement, and from this fact alone the comrades may judge that the undertaking has been commenced with the earnestness and the firm determination, required for the consummation of such moves, historically necessary in the course of economic developments and evolution.

In the conference held in January, the undersigned, as secretary of the executive committee, was instructed to extend invitations to all administrations of Union Federations in all countries upon the European continent, also Australia; as have already to a certain extent adopted the fundamental methods of action, and scope, as outlined in this American Manifesto, as guidance of the workers in their class-conscious organizations on the economic field, to send to this convention delegates who will express through their presence the solidarity of labor throughout the world in the raging struggle and war with the master class of the world.

Aware of the fact, that the economic unions (Freie Gewerkschaften) of Germany will have a convention in May, at which also representatives of other countries will be present as fraternal delegates, we deemed it best to submit this invitation to both, the respective administrative officers of a given land, and to that general convention of class-conscious unionists to be held in Germany. You are cordially invited to delegate from the ranks of your Central Alliances in each land, as are standing on the same fundament as constructed as a basis of the new organization in America, fraternal delegates, who are to give their views and opinions not alone as to the aims and objects of militant organizations of the working class, but who may on that occasion, and through the knowledge which they may acquire while here, learn what dangers are lurking behind movements of the working people, if capitalistically-influenced leaders take the lead of it, and corrupt it for the sole benefit of the master class.

While not knowing all the rules of the Union organizations in the various lands upon the globe, yet I think that you may act upon this invitation, and we sincerely hope that you will elect fraternal delegates, and will thus help, by delegating class-conscious workers to this convention, in establishing a sane movement here, and tie an unbreakable bond of working class solidarity of all workers organized for the purpose of conducting the battles of labor against the capitalist class on the economic field.

You are kindly requested to inform the undersigned, whether delegates will be elected by the Central Administration of the Unions of your lands, and if answered in the affirmative it may be possible to arrange lecture tours for the comrades before organized and unorganized toilers of the American continent.

It is the desire of all those who have realized that the irrepressible class conflict in society demands adequate weapons and instruments to conduct the fight, to establish among such workers as adhere to the same principles such a unity of action, and efforts similar to that now existing in France, and to point out to the proletarians of this land, the ways which must be followed for their complete emancipation from the yoke of wage slavery and oppressions inherent in the capitalist system of society.

Trusting to hear from you soon, I remain,

With Fraternal, International Greetings,

WM. E. TRAUTMANN, Secretary.

 

GENERAL COMMISSION OF INDUSTRIAL UNIONS OF GERMANY.

C. LEGIEN, Berlin S. O. 16, Engel—Ufer 15.

Berlin, April 19th, 1905

To the Secretary of the Industrial Union Movement of America,

Cincinnati, O.

Dear Comrade:—The General Commission has taken cognizance of the plan of organization worked out by your committee, and also considered your invitation to send representatives to the congress to be held on June 27th in Chicago, Ill.

After mature consideration of the matter the commission has come to the conclusion, to refrain from sending fraternal delegates to this congress, although we fervently hope that a better connection may be established between the industrial unions of America and those of Europe, at least closer than they have been hitherto.

The reason for not sending delegates to this congress should by no means be found in an assumption that we are not sympathizing with the movement in America, we only do not consider it good judgment to actively engage or interfere in the fermenting process now taking place in the trade union movement of America. But the sending of delegates to this congress would be tantamount to active interference, inasmuch as it would not only devolve upon the representatives to represent the industrial unions of Germany in Chicago, but they would also be required to give the benefit of their experience there and thus actually participate in the construction of the new organization.

The central office of the industrial unions of Germany has always strictly adhered to the principle that it is not advisable to interfere in the development of a movement of a country by other foreign countries, we hold therefore that this evolutionary process must take place unhampered by outward influences.

So we do not consider the time has now arrived to send delegates to the congresses of our comrades in America; however, we hope that there will soon come a purification in the American movement on economic lines and that an organization may develop for the American workingman which is in accord with modern views and requirements. As to whether this organization has to evolve from the existing ones, or whether it should he established by a new formation, we certainly cannot judge. At all events we shall refrain strictly from using any influence in this respect.

We beg the comrades to view these our reasons for abstaining to send delegates in a spirit of fairness, and we assure you that we are with all our hearts with your efforts at emancipation of the working class of America.

I beg you also to send me a few of the organization plans in the German language, since several unions here have expressed their desire of getting such plans.

In the hope that soon a mutual cooperation and hand-in-hand working with the workers of your country may be established,

I remain, with fraternal greetings,

C. LEGIEN, General-Secretary.

 

Established 1889.

“STRENGTH UNITED IS STRONGER.”

THE AUSTRALIAN LABOR FEDERATION.

PROVINCIAL EXECUTIVE

Brisbane, May 27, 1905.

Mr. W. E. Trautmann, Secretary Industrial Union Movement, 16 East Seventh street, Cincinnati, O.

Dear Sir:—I am instructed to acknowledge receipt of your circular letter of the l0th April last along with Manifesto to the workers of the United States setting forth the basis of a contemplated industrial organization on advanced Socialist lines and inviting us to send a fraternal delegation to a proposed conference to be held next month.

In reply I regret to say that time, distance and want of funds preclude our compliance with this invitation. You will be pleased to know, however, that my Executive are in sympathy with the class-conscious spirit which animates your Manifesto, and I am desired to wish the efforts being put forth in this direction every success.

Under separate cover I am forwarding a copy of the manifesto issued by our Federation in this State in 1890 and also copies of an official report of our recent State Triennial Convention.

We anticipate that a determined effort will be made to secure Australia’s representation at the next International Conference to be held at Hamburg.

With fraternal greetings,

Yours faithfully,

ALBERT HINCHCLIFFE, Secretary.

 

GENERAL CONFEDERATION OF LABOR

Social Headquarters : Bourse du Travail. 3 Rue du Chateau-d’Eau, 3 Paris (Xme).

(General Confederation of Labor)

(Well Being and Freedom)

All unions affiliated with the General Confederation of Labor are required to cover their correspondence, circulars, etc., with the above Confederal stamp.

FROM MAY, 1906, FORWARD, WE WILL WORK ONLY 8 HOURS A DAY.

To Comrade Wm. E. Trautmann, Paris, May 29, 1905.

Secretary of the Industrial Labor Union,

16 E. Seventh St., Cincinnati, O.

Comrade:

Our committee took, with pleasure, notice of your Manifesto and call. It is happy at the constitution of your organization, and it hopes that your federative group, which, itself planted upon the field of the class struggle, will have at heart the necessity of conducting the battle upon that field where all equivocation vanishes: Upon the economic field.

It is not for us to meddle in your internal organization: it is for you to constitute yourselves according to the lay of the land where you are called upon to struggle. Nevertheless, allow us to observe that the French economic organizations have had cause only to congratulate themselves for having eliminated from their midst all discussions and questions concerning electoral and governmental parliamentarism. In fact, we hold that the political opinions of a workingman are secondary to his class interests. Consequently, whatever may be the opinion of a workingman upon that head his interests are ever supreme and, upon the field of interests, in the revolutionary struggle against capitalism, all opinions can blend into one.

Upon these tactics, which constitute the basis of the organization of the General Confederation of Labor, the working class of France has cause only to congratulate itself.

By this mail we forward to you several official publications of the G. C. of L. reports of conventions, pamphlets, and also several copies of our official organ, the “Voix du Peuple” (Voice of the People), which, furthermore, we shall henceforth remit to you regularly.

As to your proposition that we send a delegate to your Chicago Conference, notwithstanding the pleasure we would have in accepting your invitation, the matter is impossible to us in view of the great distance and, above all, in view of the great expenses that the sending of such a delegation would involve.

But although we shall not be able actively to participate in that economic manifestation (manifestation of unionism), we are in full sympathy with you, and we devoutly wish that your economic grouping may emerge from your convention consolidated and grown, so that it may develop upon the solid economic and social field, without ever allowing itself to be swerved from the platform of the class struggle—a platform that is the cause of being for the economic formations which pursue the aim of the actual improvement of the condition of the workers, and also the removal of the existence of the capitalist class, in order to bring about the integral emancipation of the working class.

Deign, comrade, to receive our fraternal greeting. By order of the Committee,

E. POUGET, Secretaire-adjoint.

 

DE SAMVIRKENDE FAGFORBUND. Denmark. Telegramadresse Fagforbund. Telefon 3541.

Kobenhavn, K., June 9, 1905

To Mr. W. E. Trautmann,

Secretary of the Industrial Union Movement of America, Cincinnati, O.

Your esteemed invitation to send representatives to your constitutional congress on June 27th was duly received. But our executive board regrets to convey to you the information that we could not accept the invitation.

We are somewhat acquainted with the conditions in the unions of North America, but not sufficiently that we could with some weight of argument present our opinions relative to the questions propounded in your Manifesto.

As to our own opinion on the economic organization we, here in Denmark, take the absolute and decided stand that the same must be built—as so well expressed in your Manifesto—upon the recognition of the class struggle in society. But how that can be accomplished if the unions, as you again proclaim in the Manifesto, will abstain from cooperation with any political party even with that one which indulges solely in the politics of the working class, we cannot understand. We are of the opinion that everywhere, when needed, the economic organizations and the Social Democratic party must work hand in hand, in order to promote the interests of the working class where the interests of the toilers have to be taken care of. We hold that the passage in your Manifesto where it reads: “without affiliation with any political party,” has only been inserted to manifest the complete neutrality of the unions.

An affiliation is certainly not necessary, perhaps such an affiliation would prove a detriment, but the every day co-operating work of the economic organizations and political Socialist Labor Party is absolutely essential in the political and union agitation, through the press, in the legislatures, etc. That is our opinion if the protection of the interests of the workers are to be furthered to the fullest extent. Only when the two wings of the class struggle are supporting and complementing each other can there be hopes for a real and lasting progress, on a firm foundation, for the future. These two branches of the general movement must find and supplement each other, and then progress will be made.

We know full well that the political conditions in America are quite different from those here, and that it is hard to induce the workers to take part in politics—class conscious politics.

Through the unions it may be possible to make class politics more attractive for them.

As to the program drafted by the Industrial Union Movement we will say only this:

As a rule it is the easiest way to organize the workers for the attainment of the individual immediate demands. Therefore the beginning should be made in the organization according to branches as the quickest way to organize unions under the different categories of workers.

The theoretically right form perhaps is the organizing according to industries. This form will presently evolve from underlying conditions if they are not, as in Germany and Sweden, for instance, already in practical force. We believe, however, that it were rather a dangerous step to attempt to force with one blow a certain theory, even though same may be absolutely correct. This may be conducive of breaking the unity of action of the workers against the manufacturers, and this, so we think, would be by far more detrimental than the faults of an antiquated form of unionism, which cannot hold its own when its usefulness ceases.

For these reasons it may appear to us that the attempt of your congress may have dangerous results for the American trades union movement in general.

We certainly cannot pass judgment on the present administration of the American trade unions. If same is not guided by the recognition of the working class movement and the class conflict, or when, as asserted in your Manifesto, same is corrupted, then we think this administration could be led presently on the right path of the class movement. These changes, we believe, will be best worked out from within.

As stated before we are not able to be represented in your congress. From your letter, of course, I infer that you wish to hear the opinion of other nations on the project. For these reasons we have made this brief survey above, and because we would not be put in the position to become judges over the deeds and actions of our American comrades. Our thoughts make reference only to the trade union movement in general.

We hope that your deliberations may lead you to success, and that the economic unity of the organized workers of America be promoted, and that, at the same time, conditions be established to carry your movement on in accord with modern advanced ideas, so that the workers of North America, organized on economic and political class lines, may soon march on to the goal: the abolition of capitalist class rule.

For the Administration of the Centralized Unions of Denmark.

De Samvirkende Fagforbund,

C. M. OLSEN, Chairman.

 

DEL. KIEHN, HOBOKEN: In regard to international affiliation, I would like to say a few words in regard to the position of the Longshoremen’s Union, the organization that I represent. We have been affiliated internationally for the last five years with the International Federation of Transport Workers. The headquarters used to be in London. At the conference at Amsterdam last year it was transferred to Hamburg. Through ceaseless agitation our international association in America was induced to affiliate the whole association with this International Federation the first of January of this year. I understand that no other American association could affiliate without their consent. Now, as this international affiliation is of the utmost importance to the members of that organization, I would like to bring home to them the news that they are saved from interference on the part of the International Association of Longshoremen of America. We are in constant communication with the members of the same vocation in other countries. We have had occasion to pick up notices in the ships’ holds and take care of certain things that happened on the other side. We are in constant communication while at work with the men that work in the same ships and for the same employers and handle practically the same kind of goods as the men do on the other side, so that international affiliation is of the most vital importance to the trade that I represent, and I am glad to be able to give this information.

SECRETARY TRAUTMANN: The fact is that the European comrades in the unions do not understand that the movement in America has brought about such conditions as to cause complications. When Mitchell was sent to the international congress of coal miners last year in Europe, they understood that Mitchell was a Socialist, and in letters written to a certain journal for $5,000, paid by an enterprising newspaper association, it was stated that Mitchell said in Europe that he was a Socialist, and in the Amsterdam convention some of the old comrades asked why Mitchell was not at the congress. This Association of Transport Workers with headquarters at Hamburg believes that the organizations in America are based on the recognition of the class struggle. Now, suppose the Longshoremen’s Unions of Hoboken and New York should withdraw from the American Federation of Labor, then will come up the question before the International Transport Workers’ Union as to whether this organization should be recognized internationally, or whether the Longshoremen’s Union should be recognized, and the question of the principles upon which the organizations are established will then have to be decided before the international congress of the industrial unions of the world. They have recognized unions founded as the American Federation of Labor is, as being to a certain extent an expression of the class conflict, and in order to disabuse them of notions of that kind and make conditions clear, international relations will have to be kept up. We have found in German and French papers articles written under the impression that the American Federation of Labor is an expression of the class conflict in society, concealing or ignoring the relations existing between the American Federation and the Civic Federation and other capitalistic organizations. The effect of our letters is to give them correct information so that they will not confound this organization and those affiliated with it with the American Federation of Labor. From these letters you will see that the foreign unions are in sympathy with our movement, and that it is to our interest to continue the relations that have been started under instructions from the general conference.

The communications were ordered received and placed on file.

RESOLUTION NO. 21.

THE CHAIRMAN: Resolution No. 21, by Delegate Kiehn, and which was handed back by the Literature and Press Committee, will be referred to the Committee on Constitution. There being no further resolutions or reports, a motion to adjourn is in order.

DEL. COATES: I move that we adjoin to two o’clock, and that then we take up the report of the Constitution Committee and consider it in preference to all other business until it is finished. (Seconded.)

A DELEGATE: Before the motion to adjourn is entertained, I will say that we were about to offer a resolution providing for the appointment of a Committee on Label and Emblem. I believe the convention has made no provision for such a committee at this time. I make that motion. (Seconded.)

THE CHAIRMAN: Such a resolution will be entertained at this time. Have you a resolution written?

No written resolution was handed in.

THE CHAIRMAN: It has been regularly moved and seconded that a Committee on Label and Emblem be selected. Are you ready for the question? (Question asked for). Those in favor will signify it by saying aye. Contrary no. The motion is carried. Each group is requested to select its delegate for this committee. The chair will prepare the appointments and have the announcement ready by the time we reconvene.

The motion to adjourn until two o’clock was then put and carried.