W. R. Lethaby, Form in Civilization

This book has illustrated the arguments for anarchism, not from theories, but from actual examples of tendencies which already exist, alongside much more powerful and dominant authoritarian methods of social organization. The important question is, therefore, not whether anarchy is possible or not, but whether we can so enlarge the scope and influence of libertarian methods that they become the normal way in which human beings organize their society. Is an anarchist society possible?

We can only say, from the evidence of human history, that no kind of society is impossible. If you are powerful enough and ruthless enough you can impose almost any kind of social organization on people — for a while. But you can only do so by methods which, however natural and appropriate they may be for any other kind of “ism” — acting on the well-known principle that you can’t make an omelet without breaking eggs, are repugnant to anarchists, unless they see themselves as yet another of those revolutionary elites “leading the people” to the promised land. You can impose authority but you cannot impose freedom. An anarchist society is improbable, not because anarchy is infeasible, or unfashionable, or unpopular, but because human society is not like that, because, as Malatesta put it in the passage quoted in the last chapter, “we are, in any case, only one of the forces acting in society”.

The degree of social cohesion implied in the idea of “an anarchist society” could only occur in a society so embedded in the cake of custom that the idea of choice among alternative patterns of social behavior simply did not occur to people. I cannot imagine that degree of unanimity and I would dislike it if I could, because the idea of choice is crucial to any philosophy of freedom and spontaneity. So we don’t have to worry about the boredom of utopia: we shan’t get there. But what results from this conclusion? One response would be to stress anarchism as an ideal of personal liberation, ceasing to think of changing society, except by example. Another would be to conclude that because no roads lead to utopia no road leads anywhere, an attitude which, in the end, is identical with the utopian one because it asserts that there are no partial, piecemeal, compromise or temporary solutions, only one attainable or unattainable final solution. But, as Alexander Herzen put it over a century ago: “A goal which is infinitely remote is not a goal at all, it is a deception. A goal must be closer — at the very least the laborer’s wage or pleasure in the work performed. Each epoch, each generation, each life has had, and has, its own experience, and the end of each generation must be itself.”[171]

The choice between libertarian and authoritarian solutions is not a once-and-for-all cataclysmic struggle, it is a series of running engagements, most of them never concluded, which occur, and have occurred, throughout history. Every human society; except the most totalitarian of utopias or anti-utopias, is a plural society with large areas which are not in conformity with the officially imposed or declared values. An example of this can be seen in the alleged division of the world into capitalist and communist blocks: there are vast areas of capitalist societies which are not governed by capitalist principles, and there are many aspects of the socialist societies which cannot be described as socialist. You might even say that the only thing that makes life livable in the capitalist world is the unacknowledged non-capitalist element within it, and the only thing that makes survival possible in the communist world is the unacknowledged capitalist element in it. This is why a controlled market is a left-wing demand in a capitalist economy along with state control, while a free market is a left-wing demand in a communist society — along with workers’ control. In both cases, the demands are for whittling away power from the center, whether it is the power of the state or capitalism, or state-capitalism.

So what are the prospects for increasing the anarchist content of the real world? From one point of view the outlook is bleak: centralized power, whether that of government or super-government, or of private capitalism or the super-capitalism of giant international corporations, has never been greater. The prophesies of nineteenth-century anarchists like Proudhon and Bakunin about the power of the state over the citizen have a relevance today which must have seemed unlikely for their contemporaries.

From another standpoint the outlook is infinitely promising. The very growth of the state and its bureaucracy, the giant corporation and its privileged hierarchy, are exposing their vulnerability to non-cooperation, to sabotage, and to the exploitation of their weaknesses by the weak. They are also giving rise to parallel organizations, counter organizations, alternative organizations, which exemplify the anarchist method. Industrial mergers and rationalization have bred the revival of the demand for workers’ control, first as a slogan or a tactic like the work-in, ultimately as a destination. The development of the school and the university as broiler-houses for a place in the occupational pecking-order have given rise to the de-schooling movement and the idea of the anti-university. The use of medicine and psychiatry as agents, of conformity has led to the idea of the anti-hospital and the self-help therapeutic group. The failure of Western society to house its citizens has prompted the growth of squatter movements and tenants’ cooperatives. The triumph of the supermarket in the United States has begun a mushrooming of food cooperatives. The deliberate pauperization of those who cannot work has led to the recovery of self-respect through Claimants’ Unions.

Community organizations of every conceivable kind, community newspapers, movements for child welfare, communal households have resulted from the new consciousness that local as well as central governments exploit the poor and are unresponsive to those who are unable to exert effective pressure for themselves. The “rationalization” of local administration in Britain into “larger and more effective units” is evoking a response in the demand for neighborhood councils. A new self-confidence and assertion of their right to exist on their own terms has sprung up among the victims of particular kinds of discrimination — black liberation, women’s liberation, homosexual liberation, prisoners’ liberation, children’s liberation: the list is almost endless and is certainly going to get longer as more and more people become more and more conscious that society is organized in ways which deny them a place in the sun. In the age of mass politics and mass conformity, this is a magnificent re-assertion of individual value and of human dignity.

None of these movements is yet a threat to the power structure, and this is scarcely surprising since hardly any of them existed before the late 1960s. None of them fits into the framework of conventional politics. In fact, they don’t speak the same language as the political parties. They talk the language of anarchism and they insist on anarchist principles of organization, which they have learned not from political theory but from their own experience. They organize in loosely associated groups which are voluntary, functional, temporary and small. They depend, not on membership cards, votes, a special leadership and a herd of inactive followers but on small, functional groups which ebb and flow, group and regroup, according to the task in hand. They are networks, not pyramids.

At the very time when the “irresistible trends of modern society” seemed to be leading us to a mass society of enslaved consumers they are reminding us of the truth that the irresistible is simply that which is not resisted. But obviously a whole series of partial and incomplete victories, of concessions won from the holders of power, will not lead to an anarchist society. But it will widen the scope of free action and the potentiality for freedom in the society we have. But such compromises of anarchist notions would have to be made, such authoritarian bedfellows chosen, for a frontal attack on the power structure, that the anarchist answer to cries for revolutionary unity is likely to be “Whose noose are you inviting me to put round my neck this time?”

But in thinking about a plausible future, another factor has entered into the general consciousness since the late 1960s. So many books, so many reports, so many conferences have been devoted to it, that it is only necessary for me to state a few general propositions about it. The first is that the world’s resources are finite. The second is that the wealthy economies have been exploiting the nonrenewable resources at a rate which the planet cannot sustain. The third is that these “developed” economies are also exploiting the resources of the “Third World” countries as cheap raw materials. This means, not only that the Third World countries can never hope to achieve the levels of consumption of the rich world, but that the rich countries themselves cannot continue to consume at the present accelerating rate. The public debate around these issues is not about the truth of the contentions, it is simply about the question: How Soon? How soon before the fossil fuels run out? How soon before the Third World rises in revolt against international exploitation? How soon will we be facing the consequences of the non-viability of future economic growth? I leave aside the related questions about pollution and about population. But all these questions profoundly affect all our futures and the predictions we make about social change, whether we mean the changes we desire or the ones which circumstances force upon us. They also cut completely across accepted political categories, as do the policies of the ecology lobby or the environmental pressure groups in both Britain and the United States.

The growth economists, the politicians of both right and left, who envisaged an ever-expanding cycle of consumption, with the philosophy characterized by Kenneth Burke as Borrow, Spend, Buy, Waste, Want,[172] have just not caught up with future realities. If anyone has it is that minority among the young in the affluent countries who have consciously rejected the mass consumption society — its values as well as its dearly-bought products — and adopted, not out of puritanism but out of a different set of priorities, an earlier consumer philosophy: Eat it up, wear it out, make it do, or do without. The editor of The Ecologist summed up the argument thus: “affluence for everybody is an impossible dream: the world simply does not contain sufficient resources, nor could it absorb the heat and other waste generated by the immense amount of energy required. Indeed, the most important thing to realize, when we plan our future, is that affluence is both a local and a temporary phenomenon. Unfortunately it is the principal, if not the only, goal our industrial society gives us.” His journal in its “Blueprint for Survival” has the distinction of being among the few commentaries on the crisis of environment and resources to go beyond predicting the consequences of continued population growth and depletion of resources, to envisaging the kind of physical and economic structure of life which its authors regard as indispensable for a viable future, drawing up a timetable for change for the century 1975–2075, to establish in that time “a network of self-sufficient, self-regulating communities.”[173] The authors cheerfully accept the charge that their program is unsophisticated and oversimplified, the implication being that if the reader can formulate a better alternative, or a different time-scale, he should do so. The interesting thing is that they have re-invented an older vision of the future. Back in the 1890s three men, equally unqualified as shareholders in Utopia Limited, formulated their prescriptions for the physical setting of a future society. William Morris, designer and socialist, wrote News from Nowhere; Peter Kropotkin, geographer and anarchist, wrote Fields, Factories and Workshops; and Ebenezer Howard, inventor and parliamentary shorthand writer, wrote Tomorrow: A Peaceful Path to Real Reform. Each of these blueprints for survival was more influential than its original readers could have supposed, though less than its author would have hoped. Morris’s vision was totally irrelevant for the twentieth century, but his picture of a post-industrial, decentralized, state-free Britain in the twenty-first century, certainly makes sense for the new ecologically-aware generation, while any American will recognize the force of his backward glance at the future of the United States: “For these lands, and, I say, especially the northern parts of America, suffered so terribly from the full force of the last days of civilization, and became such horrible places to live in, that one may say that for nearly a hundred years the people of the northern parts of America have been engaged in gradually making a dwelling-place out of a stinking dust-heap ...”[174]

Howard’s legacy is of course the new towns: his immediate purpose was to mobilize voluntary initiative for the building of one demonstration model, confident that its advantages would set in motion a large-scale adoption of the idea of urban dispersal in “social cities”, or what the TCPA calls “a many-centered nexus of urban communities”. Lewis Mumford notes that “By now, our neotechnic and biotechnic facilities have at last caught up with Howard’s and Kropotkin’s intuitions. Howard’s plan for canalizing the flow of population, diverting it from the existing centers to new centers; his plan for decentralizing industry and setting up both city and industry within a rural matrix, the whole planned to a human scale, is technologically far more feasible today than it was ...[175]

Kropotkin’s own vision of the future, with industry decentralized, and the competition for markets replaced by local production and consumption while people themselves alternate brain work and manual work, is being realized in a political climate he hardly foresaw, in China, but is equally in harmony with the program of the “Blueprint for Survival”:

The scattering of industries over the country — so as to bring the factory amid the fields, to make agriculture derive all those profits which it always finds in being combined with industry and to produce a combination of industrial with agricultural work — is surely the next step to be taken ... This step is imposed by the necessity for each healthy man and woman to spend a part of their lives in manual work in the free air; and it will be rendered the more necessary when the great social movements, which have now become unavoidable, come to disturb the present international trade, and compel each nation to revert to her own resources for her own maintenance.”[176]

The authors of the “Blueprint”, having set out their analysis of the crisis of population, resources and environment, sketch out what they see as a necessary and desirable future for the human habitat. They argue for decentralization on several grounds. Their first reason is that it would “promote the social conditions in which public opinion and full public participation in decision-making become as far as possible the means whereby communities are ordered”. Their second reason is that, on ecological grounds, they foresee a return to diversified farming instead of prairie-type crop-growing or factory-type livestock rearing, with production for a local market and the return of domestic sewage to the land, in the setting of ‘a decentralized society of small communities where industries are small enough to be responsive to each community’s needs”. Thirdly, they think it significant that “the decreasing autonomy of communities and local regions, and the increasing centralization of decision-making and authority in the cumbersome bureaucracies of the state, have been accompanied by the rise of self-conscious individualism, an individualism that feels threatened unless it is harped upon”.

They see the accumulation of material goods as the accompaniment of this self-conscious individualism (what others would call “privatization”) and believe that the rewards of significant relationships and mutual responsibilities in a small community will provide ample compensation for the decreasing emphasis on consumption which will be essential for the conservation of resources and the minimization of pollution. Their final reason is that “to deploy a population in small towns and villages is to reduce to the minimum its impact on the environment. This is because the actual urban superstructure required per inhabitant goes up radically as the size of the town increases beyond a certain point.” Affirming that they are not proposing inward-looking, self-obsessed, or closed communities, but in fact want “an efficient and sensitive communications network between all communities”, they conclude with the splendid declaration: “We emphasize that our goal should be to create community feeling and global awareness, rather than that dangerous and sterile compromise which is nationalism.”[177]

But will it ever happen? Will this humane and essentially anarchistic vision of a workable future simply join all the other anarchical utopias of the past? Years ago George Orwell remarked:

If one considers the probabilities one is driven to the conclusion that anarchism implies a low standard of living. It need not imply a hungry or uncomfortable world, but it rules out the kind of air-conditioned, chromium-plated, gadget-ridden existence which is now considered desirable and enlightened. The processes involved in making, say, an airplane are so complex as to be only possible in a planned, centralized society , with all the repressive apparatus that that implies. Unless there is some unpredictable change in human nature, liberty and efficiency must pull in opposite directions.[178]

This, from Orwell’s point of view (he was not a lover of luxury) is not in itself a criticism of anarchism, and he is certainly right in thinking that an anarchist society would never build Concorde or land men on the moon. But were either of these technological triumphs efficient in terms of the resources poured into them and the results for the ordinary inhabitant of this planet? Size and resources are to the technologist what power is to the politician: he can never have too much of them. A different kind of society, with different priorities, would evolve a different technology: its bases already exist[179] and in terms of the tasks to be performed it would be far more “efficient” than either Western capitalism or Soviet state-capitalism. Not only technology but also economics would have to be redefined. As Kropotkin envisaged it: “Political economy tends more and more to become a science devoted to the study of the needs of men and of the means of satisfying them with the least possible waste of energy, that is, a sort of physiology of society.”[180]

But it is not in the least likely that states and governments, in either the rich or the poor worlds will, of their own volition, embark on the drastic change of direction which a consideration of our probable future demands. Necessity may reduce the rate of resource-consumption but the powerful and privileged will hang on to their share — both within nations and between nations. Power and privilege have never been known to abdicate. This is why anarchism is bound to be a call to revolution. But what kind of revolution? Nothing has been said in this book about the two great irrelevancies of discussion about anarchism: the false antitheses between violence and nonviolence and between revolution and reform. The most violent institution in our society is the state and it reacts violently to efforts to take away its power. “As Malatesta used to say, you try to do your thing and they intervene, and then you are to blame for the fight that happens.”[181] Does this mean that the effort should not be made? A distinction has to be made between the violence of the oppressor and the resistance of the oppressed.

Similarly, there is a distinction not between revolution and reform but on the one hand between the kind of revolution which installs a different gang of rulers or the kind of reform which makes oppression more palatable or more efficient, and on the other those social changes, whether revolutionary or reformist, through which people enlarge their autonomy and reduce their subjection to external authority.

Anarchism in all its guises is an assertion of human dignity and responsibility. It is not a program for political change but an act of social self-determination.

[1] Vaclav Cerny, “The Socialistic Year 1848 and its Heritage”, The Critical Monthly, Nos. 1 and 2 (Prague, 1948).

[2] Michael Bakunin, “Letter to the Internationalists of the Romagna” 28 January 1872

[3] Fabian Tract No 4, What Socialism Is (London, 1886).

[4] Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, The Political Capacity of the Working Class (Paris, 1864).

[5] Peter Kropotkin, Modern Science and Anarchism (London, 1912).

[6] The same, French edition (Paris, 1913)

[7] George Benello, “Wasteland Culture”, Our Generation, Vol. 5, No. 2, (Montreal, 1967)

[8] Martin Buber, “Society and the State”, World Review, (London, 1951).

[9] Ferd J Cook, The Warfare State (London, 1963).

[10] MacIver and Page, Society (London, 1948).

[11] Simone Weil, “Reflections on War”, Left Review, (London, 1938).

[12] Randolph Bourne, The State, Resistance Press, (New York, 1945). (first published 1919).

[13] Peter Kropotkin, op. cit.

[14] Camillo Bernen, Kropotkin, His Federalist Ideas (London, 1943).

[15] David Wieck, “The Habit of Direct Action”, Anarchy 13 (London, 1962), reprinted in Colin Ward (ed.), A Decade of Anarchy, (London, Freedom Press, 1987).

[16] Paul Goodman, Like a Conquered Province (New York, 1967).

[17] Vernon Richards (ed.), Malatesta: His Life and Ideas (London, Freedom Press, 1965).

[18] Theodore Draper in Encounter, August 1968.

[19] Fifty Million Volunteers, Report on the Role of Voluntary Organizations and Youth in the Environment (London, 1972).

[20] Graham Whiteman, “Festival Moment”, Anarchy 116, October 1970.

[21] John Comerford, Health the Unknown: The Story of the Peckham Experiment (London, 1947). See also Innes Pearse and Lucy Crocker, The Peckham Experiment (London, 1943); Biologists in Search of Material by G. Scott Williamson and I. H. Pearse (London, 1938).

[22] Edward Allsworth Ross, Social Control (New York, 1901).

[23] See Homer Lane, Talks to Parents and Teachers (London, 1928); W. David Wills, Homer Lane: a Biography (London, 1964); Howard Jones, Reluctant Rebels (London, 1963).

[24] August Aichhorn, Wayward Youth (London, 1925).

[25] ibid.

[26] John Berger, “Freedom and the Czechs” (New Society, 29 August 1968).

[27] Harry Schwartz, Prague’s 200 Days (London, 1969).

[28] ibid.

[29] The Listener, 5 September 1958.

[30] Ladislav Mnacko, The Seventh Night (London, 1969).

[31] Schwartz, op. cit.

[32] Daniel Guérin, “The Czechoslovak Working Class and the Resistance Movement” in Czechoslovakia and Socialism (London, 1969).

[33] Encounter, January 1957.

[34] Tape-recording in the BBC Sound Archives.

[35] Robert Lyon in Peace News, 20 February 1959

[36] Alan Burgess in the Radio Times, 13 February 1959.

[37] Appendix III of Philip Windsor and Adam Roberts, Czechoslovakia 1968 (London, 1969).

[38] George Orwell, Homage to Catalonia (London, 1938).

[39] Andy Anderson, Hungary 1956 (London, 1964).

[40] In Noam Chomsky, American Power and the New Mandarins (London, 1969).

[41] ibid. The best available accounts in English of the collectivization of industry and agriculture in the Spanish revolution are in Vernon Richards, Lessons of the Spanish Revolution (London, Freedom Press, 2^nd ed. 1983) and Burnett Bolloten, The Grand Camouflage (London, 1961).

[42] RIBA, The Architect and His Office (London, 1962).

[43] Walter Gropius, an address given at the RIBA, April 1956.

[44] Wilhelm Reich, Work Democracy in Action, Annals of the Orgone Institute, Vol. 1, 1944.

[45] ibid.

[46] Peter Kropotkin, Fields, Factories and Workshops Tomorrow, edited by Colin Ward, (London, Freedom Press, 1985).

[47] Richard Boston in Peace News, 23 February 1962.

[48] Simon Nicholson, “The Theory of Loose Parts”, Bulletin of Environmental Education, April, 1972.

[49] Raymond Pirth, Human Types (London, 1970).

[50] Peter Kropotkin, Law and Authority, reprinted in Baldwin (ed.), Kropotkin’s Revolutionary Pamphlets (New York, 1927, 1968).

[51] John Middleton and David Tait (eds), Tribes without Rulers: Studies in African Segmentary Systems (London, 1958).

[52] ibid.

[53] ibid.

[54] Ernest Gellner, “How to Live in Anarchy”, The Listener, 3 April 1958.

[55] Middleton and Tait, op.cit.

[56] Peter Kropotkin, Anarchism: Its Philosophy and Ideal, reprinted in Baldwin, op.cit.

[57] W. Gray Walter, “The Development and Significance of Cybernetics”, Anarchy 25, March 1963.

[58] John D. McEwin, “Anarchism and the Cybernetics of Self-organizing Systems, Anarchy 31, September 1963, reprinted in Colin Ward (ed.), A Decade of Anarchy, (London, Freedom Press, 1987).

[59] Donald Schon, Beyond the Stable State (London, 1971).

[60] Mary Douglas in The Listener, 1971.

[61] Peter Kropotkin, article on Anarchism written in 1905 for Encyclopedia Britannica, 11^th edition. (Reprinted in Anarchism & Anarchist Communism, London, Freedom Press, 1987).

[62] George Woodcock, Anarchism: A History if Libertarian Ideas and Movements (Cleveland 1962; London 1963).

[63] P.-J. Proudhon, Du Principe Federatif quoted in Stewart Edwards (ed.) Selected Writings of Pierre Joseph Proudhon (London, 1970).

[64] Herbert Luethy, “Has Switzerland a Future?”, Encounter, December 1962.

[65] See Theodore Roszak, “The Case for Listener-supported Radio”, Anarchy 93, November 1968.

[66] “The Spies for Peace Story”, Anarchy 29, July 1963.

[67] Philip Mairet, Patrick Geddes (London, 1959).

[68] Town and Country Planning Act 1968, and People and Planning: Report of the Committee on Public Participation in Planning (Skeffington Report), (London: 1969).

[69] Rayner Banham, Peter Hall, Paul Barker and Cedric Price, “Non-Plan: An Experiment in Freedom”, New Society, 20 March 1969.

[70] Richard Sennett, The Uses of Disorder: Personal Identity and City Life (New York, 1970; London, 1971).

[71] ibid.

[72] Ioan Bowen Rees, Government by Community (London, 1971)

[73] Walter Ullmann, Principles of Government and Politics in the Middle Ages (London, 1961, 1966).

[74] Tom Paine, The Rights of Man. Pt II. Ch. 1.

[75] Staughton Lynd, Intellectual Origins if American Radicalism (New York, 1968; London, 1969).

[76] Prof. Colin Buchanan, reported in The Sunday Times, 25 September 1966.

[77] Sherry R. Arnstein, “A Ladder of Citizen Participation in the USA”, Journal of the American Institute of Planners, July 1969 and Journal of the Royal Town Planning Institute, April 1971.

[78] N. J. Habraken, Supports: an Alternative to Mass Housing (London, 1972)

[79] John Turner and Robert Fichter (eds), Freedom to Build: Dweller Control of Housing Process (New York, 1972).

[80] Barbara Ward, Poor World Cities (London, 1970).

[81] William P. Mangin and John C. Turner, “Benavides and the Barriada Movement” in Paul Oliver (ed.) Shelter and Society (London, 1969).

[82] ibid.

[83] ibid.

[84] Colin Ward, “The People Act”, Freedom, Vol. 7, No. 22, 24 August 1946

[85] “The Squatters in Winter”, News Chronicle, 14 January 1947.

[86] Nicolas Walter, “The New Squatters”, Anarchy, Vol 9, No. 102, August 1969, reprinted in Colin Ward (ed.), A Decade of Anarchy, (London, Freedom Press, 1987).

[87] Andrew Gilmour, The Sale if Council Houses in Oslo (Edinburgh, 1971) For a fuller presentation of the case for tenant control see Colin Ward, “Tenants Take Over” (Anarchy 83, January 1968).

[88] Ian Dunn, “Gay Liberation in Scotland”, Scottish International Review, March 1972.

[89] John Ellerby, “The Anarchism of Alex Comfort”, Anarchy 33, November 1963.

[90] Edmund Leach, A Runaway World (BBC Reith Lectures, 1967).

[91] Jacquetta Hawkes in The Human Sum (ed.) C.H. Rolph (London, 1957).

[92] John Hartwell in Kids No. 1, September 1972.

[93] Paul and Jean Ritter, The Free Family (London, 1959).

[94] Teddy Gold, “The Multiple Family Housing Unit”, Anarchy 35, January 1964.

[95] Frank MacKinnon, The Politics of Education (London, 1961).

[96] Lewis Mumford, The Condition of Man (London, 1944).

[97] William Godwin, An Inquiry Concerning Political Justice (London, 1793).

[98] Michael Bakunin, God and the State (New York 1916, 1970).

[99] ibid.

[100] William Godwin, The Enquirer (London, 1797).

[101] “A School the Children Won’t Leave”, Picture Post, 4 November 1944. The Story of Prestolee School is told in Gerard Holmes, The Idiot Teacher (London, 1952).

[102] The Teacher, 8 April 1972.

[103] Paul Goodman, Compulsory Miseducation (New York, 1964; London 1971).

[104] Gerald Brenan, The Literature of the Spanish People (Cambridge, 1951).

[105] Patrick Geddes, Cities in Evolution (London, 1915).

[106] Agnete Vestereg in Lady Allen of Hurtwood, Adventure Playgrounds (London, 1949).

[107] See, for example, Joe Benjamin, In Search of Adventure (London, 1964) and Arvid Bengtsson, Adventure Playgrounds (London, 1972).

[108] John Lagemann, “The Yard” in Allen, op. cit.

[109] The Times Educational Supplement, 1958.

[110] Peter Willmott, The Evolution of a Community (London, 1962).

[111] J. Beresford-Ellis in Design Magazine, June 1963.

[112] Daniel Bell, Work and Its Discontents (New York, 1961).

[113] James J. Cox in W. R. Williams (ed.) Recreation Places (New York, 1958).

[114] Anthony Crosland in The Observer, 5 October 1958.

[115] Branko Pribicevic, The Shop Stewards’ Movement and Workers’ Control 1912–1922 (Oxford, 1959).

[116] Geoffrey Ostergaard, “Approaches to Industrial Democracy”, Anarchy 2, April 1961.

[117] Seymour Melman, Decision-Making and Productivity (Oxford, 1968).

[118] Reg Wright, “The Gang System in Coventry” Anarchy 2, April 1961, reprinted in Colin Ward (ed.), A Decade of Anarchy, (London, Freedom Press, 1987).

[119] David Douglass, Pit Life in Durham (Oxford, 1972).

[120] P. G. Herbst, Autonomous Group Functioning (London, 1962).

[121] Trist, Higgin, Murray and Pollack, Organizational Choice (London, 1963).

[122] Herbst, op. cit.

[123] Keith Paton, “Work and Suplus”, Anarchy 118, 1970, reprinted in Colin Ward (ed.), A Decade of Anarchy, (London, Freedom Press, 1987).

[124] ibid. Keith Paton’s redeployment of the car factory is reprinted in Colin Ward, Work (Harmondsworth, 1972).

[125] Paul and Percival Goodman, Communitas (Chicago, 1947).

[126] Ferdynand Zweig, The Worker in an Affluent Society (London, 1961).

[127] Keith Paton, The Right to Work or the Fight to Live? (Stoke-on-Trent, 1972).

[128] Peter Kropotkin, The State: Its Historic Role (London, Freedom Press, 1987).

[129] Richard Titmuss, “War and Social Policy” in his Essays on “The Welfare State” (London, 1958).

[130] ibid.

[131] C. F. Masterman quoted by Heather Woolmer, “Within the Fringe”, Town and Country Planning, June 1972.

[132] ibid.

[133] John Bowlby, Maternal Care and Mental Health (London, 1952).

[134] Ashley Montagu, The Direction if Human Development (London, 1957).

[135] The Lancet, 22 April 1961.

[136] The Times, 24 February 1960.

[137] Norman Morris at Royal Society of Health Congress, 29 April 1961.

[138] Bowlby, op.cit. See also Kings, Raynes and Tizard, Patterns of Residential Care (London, 1972).

[139] Iowa Child Research Station, 1938.

[140] Dorothy Burlingham and Anna Freud, Infants Without Families (London, 1944) .

[141] Margaret Neville Hill, An Approach to Old Age and its Problems (London, 1960).

[142] Peter Kropotkin, Prisons and their Moral Influence on Prisoners (1887) reprinted in Baldwin (ed.), Kropotkin’s Revolutionary Pamphlets (New York, 1927, 1968).

[143] J. B. Martin, A Pane of Glass (London 1960).

[144] Hilliard and Munday, “Diagnostic Problems in the Feeble-Minded”, The Lancet (25 September 1954).

[145] Dr Wadsworth, Medical Superintendent at Cheadle Royal Hospital.

[146] PEP, Community Mental Health Services (London, 1960).

[147] Dr Joshua Bierer at the 1960 conference of the World Federation of Mental Health.

[148] William Godwin, An Inquiry Concerning Political Justice (London, 1793).

[149] Kropotkin, op.cit.

[150] Bruno Bettelheim, The Informed Heart (London, 1970).

[151] ibid.

[152] Russell Barton, Institutional Neurosis (Bristol, 1959).

[153] Fenner Brockway (with Stephen Hobhouse), English Prisons Today (London, 1921).

[154] Richard Titmuss, “The Hospital and Its Patients’ in his Essays on “The Welfare State” (London, 1958).

[155] John Vaizey, Scenes from Institutional Life (London, 1959).

[156] H. von Hentig, The Criminal and His Victim (Yale, 1948).

[157] Brian Abel-Smith, “Whose Welfare State?” in Conviction (London 1958).

[158] RAP, The Case for Radical Alternatives to Prison (London, 1971).

[159] Tony Gould and Joe Kenyon, Stories from the Dole Queue (London, 1972).

[160] Anna Coote, “The new Aggro at the Social Security Office”, Evening Standard, 17 April 1972.

[161] H. P. Fairchild, Dictionary of Sociology (London, 1959).

[162] William Godwin, An Inquiry Concerning Political Justice (London, 1793).

[163] Peter Kropotkin, Prisons and their Moral Influence on Prisoners, 1877, reprinted in Baldwin (ed.) Kropotkin’s Revolutionary Pamphlets (New York 1927, 1968).

[164] T. B. Bottomore, Sociology (London, 1962).

[165] Ogburn and Nimkoff, A Handbook of Sociology (London, 1953).

[166] Jane Jacobs, The Death and Life of Great American Cities (London, 1961) .

[167] ibid.

[168] Vernon Richards (ed.), Errico Malatesta: His Life and Ideas (London, Freedom Press, 1965).

[169] Paul Reiwald, Society and Its Criminals (London, 1949).

[170] Ruth S. Eissler in Searchlights on Delinquency (London, 1949).

[171] Alexander Herzen, From the Other Shore (London, 1956).

[172] Kenneth Burke, “Recipe for Prosperity”, The Nation, 8 September 1956.

[173] “Blueprint for Survival”, The Ecologist, January 1972.

[174] William Morris, News from Nowhere (London, 1892).

[175] Lewis Mumford, Introduction to the postwar edition of Ebenezer Howard, Garden Cities of Tomorrow (London, 1945).

[176] Peter Kropotkin, Fields, Factories and Workshops Tomorrow, ed. by Colin Ward (London, Freedom Press, 1985).

[177] “Blueprint for Survival”, The Ecologist, January 1972.

[178] George Orwell in Poetry Quarterly, Autumn 1945.

[179] See Colin Ward, “Harnessing the Sun”, Freedom 23 March 1957; “Harnessing the Wind”, Freedom, 13 July 1957; “Power from the Sea”, Freedom, 1 March 1958; Lewis Herber, “Ecology and Revolutionary Thought”, Anarchy 69, November 1966; “Towards a Liberatory Technology”, Anarchy 78, August 1967 - both the latter are reprinted in Murray Bookchin, Post-Scarcity Anarchism (Berkeley, Cal. 1971). See also Victor Papanek, Design for the Real World (London, 1972).

[180] Peter Kropotkin, op.cit.

[181] Paul Goodman, Little Prayers and Finite Experiences (New York, 1972).