[1] Eric Hobsbawm, Revolutionaries (New York: New American Library, 1973), 61.

[2] Arif Dirlik, The Origins of Chinese Communism (New York: Oxford University Press, 1989), esp. chapters 3 and 8.

[3] Ge Maochun, Jiang Jun, and Li Xingzhi, eds., Wuzhengfu zhuyi sixiang ziliao xuan (Selection of materials on anarchist thought [hereafter WZFZYSX]), 2 vols. (Beijing: Beijing daxue chubanshe, 1984); Gao Jun et al., eds., Wuzhengfu zhuyi zai Zhongguo (Anarchism in China) (Changsha: Hunan renmin chubanshe, 1984); Lu Zhe, Zhongguo wuzhengfu zhuyi shi (History of Chinese anarchism) (Fujian: Renmin chubanshe); Xu Shanguang and Liu Liuping, Zhongguo wuzhengfu zhuyi shi (History of Chinese anarchism) (Changsha: Hunan renmin chubanshe, 1989); Makesi Engesi lun Bakuning zhuyi (Marx and Engels on Bakuninism) (Beijing: Renmin chubanshe, 1980); Li Xianjong, Bakuning pingzhuan (Biography of Bakunin) (Beijing: Xinhua shudian, 1982); Kropotkin, Mianbao yu ziyou (Bread and freedom) [sic] (Beijing: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1982). For a listing of articles on anarchism, see Makesi zhuyi zai Zhongguo (Marxism in China), 2 vols. (Beijing: Qinghua daxue chubanshe, 1983), 2:573–74.

[4] A collection of Democracy Movement writings is available in Gregory Benton, ed., Wild Lilies and Poisonous Weeds (London: Pluto Press, 1982).

[5] John Bryan Starr, Revolution in Retrospect: The Paris Commune through Chinese Eyes, China Quarterly, no. 49 (January-March 1972): 106–25.

[6] Li Zhenya, Zhongguo wuzhengfu zhuyide jinxi (Past and present of Chinese anarchism), Nankai xuebao (Nankai University journal), no. 1 (1980).

[7] WZFZYSX 1:iii.

[8] Daniel Guérin, Anarchism, trans. M. Klopper (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1970). See also Anthony Arblaster, The Relevance of Anarchism, Socialist Register (1971), 157–84.

[9] Hobsbawm, Revolutionaries, 89.

[10] Shishede yiqu he dagang (The goals and program of the Truth Society), Banyue (Half moon), 14 (15 February 1921). See reprint in WZFZYSX 2:529.

[11] Xiao Xing, Zemmayang xuanchuan annaqi zhuyi (How should we propagate anarchism?), Huzhu yuekan (Mutual aid monthly) 1 (15 March 1923). See reprint in WZFZYSX 2:683.

[12] See the listing in WZFZYSX 2:1061–66.

[13] Huang Yibo, Wuzhengfu zhuyizhe zai Guangzhou gao gonghui huodong huiyi (Recollections of anarchist labor activities in Guangzhou), Guangzhou wenshi ziliao (Literary and historical materials on Guangzhou) 1 (April 1962): 3.

[14] Liu Shixin, Guanyu wuzhengfu zhuyi huodongde diandi huiyi (Remembering bits and pieces of anarchist activity), in WZFZYSX 2:926–39.

[15] Zheng Peigang, Wuzhengfu zhuyi zai Zhongguode rougan shishi (Some facts on anarchism in China), Guangzhou wenshi ziliao 1 (April 1962): 191–92.

[16] Lingshuang zhi mojun han (A letter from Lingshuang), Chunlei yuekan (Spring thunder monthly), 1 (10 October 1923): 105.

[17] Ou Shengbai, Da Chen Duxiu junde yiwen (Answering Mr. Chen Duxiu’s doubts), Xuehui (Sea of learning), nos. 104109 (February 1923). See reprint in WZFZYSX 2:664.

[18] Benshe zhi gedi tongzhi han (A letter from this society to comrades everywhere), Chunlei yuekan, 1 (10 October 1923): 9295, for this account. Also see Zheng Peigang, Wuzhengfu zhuyi, 202.

[19] This could also be translated as Truth Society. I use Reality Society here to distinguish it from the Shishe, which I have translated as Truth Society.

[20] Fangwen Fan Tianjun xianshengde jilu (Account of a visit with Mr. Fan Tianjun), in WZFZYSX 2:1039.

[21] Zheng, Wuzhengfu zhuyi, 202.

[22] Bi Xiushao, Wo xinyang wuxhengfu zhuyide qianqian houhou (Account of my anarchist beliefs), in WZFZYSX 2:1025.

[23] Tongzhi xiaoxi (News of comrades), Jingzhe (Spring festival, literally the awakening of insects), 1 (1924). This journal was a continuation of Chunlei after the latter was shut down. See also Zheng Peigang, Wuzhengfu zhuyi, 204–6.

[24] Jiang Jun, Lu Jianbo xiansheng zaoniande wuzhengfu zhuyi xuanchuan huodong jishi (An account of Mr. Lu Jianbo’s anarchist activities in his youth), in WZFZYSX 2:1009–22. Fangwen Fan Tianjun, 1041–43, discusses some activities of this radical group.

[25] Jing Meijiu, Zuian (Account of crimes), in Xinhai geming ziliao leipian (Materials on the 1911 Revolution), ed. Chinese Academy of Social Sciences (Beijing, 1981), 54157.

[26] These activities may be gleaned from the News of Comrades sections published in anarchist journals. For a sampling from People’s Tocsin, see Wusi shiqide shetuan (Societies of the May Fourth period), ed. Zhao Chonghou et al. (Beijing, 1979), 4:275–80.

[27] Hua Lin, Tan annaqi sixiang (Discussion of my anarchism), in Hua Lin, Bashan xianhua (Idle words from Bashan) (Shanghai, 1945), 49.

[28] Thomas A. Stanley, Osugi Sakae: Anarchist in Taisho Japan (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1982), 132–35.

[29] Bi Xiushao, Wo xinyang wuzhengfu zhuyi, 1023.

[30] Fangwen Fan Tianjun xiansheng, 1046.

[31] The editor of a reissue of P. Kropotkin’s Fields, Factories and Workshops of Tomorrow (New York: Harper Torchbooks, 1974), Colin Ward, found in the Chinese communes established after 1958 (abolished in 1983) the nearest thing to Kropotkin’s industrial villages (188).

[32] Karl Marx, The German Ideology, ed. R. Pascal (New York: International Publishers, 1947), 19.

[33] Hobsbawm, Revolutionaries, 90.

[34] Indeed, China’s first socialists (Sun Yat-sen and his followers) derived their socialism from Euro-American social reformers who sought to incorporate socialist programs into a liberal political agenda to prevent the social revolution that socialists espoused. See Dirlik, Socialism and Capitalism in Chinese Thought.

[35] I owe this cogent phrasing of the sometimes turgid idea of discourse to Harry Harootunian, Things Seen and Unseen: Discourse and Ideology in Tokugawa Nativism (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1988), 25. Harootunian’s formulation of the problem of discourse and ideology (not to mention our chats by Lake Michigan) played an important part in stimulating the reasoning I offer below, though I absolve him of all responsibility for the specific issues I raise. What I say of anarchism in its relationship to a revolutionary discourse became most evident in Chinese anarchism in the 1920s, especially in anarchist polemics against the Marxist Communists.

[36] The most explicit statement is to be found in his Ideology as a Cultural System. See Clifford Geertz, The Interpretation of Cultures (New York: Harper Torchbooks, 1973), chap. 8.

[37] Paul Ricoeur, Lectures on Ideology and Utopia, ed. George H. Taylor (New York: Columbia University Press, 1986), 13.

[38] John B. Thompson, Studies in the Theory of Ideology (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1984), 34.

[39] For a comprehensive discussion of Gramsci’s ideas in this regard, see Gramsci and Marxist Theory, ed. Chantal Mouffe (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1979), esp. Mouffe’s own essay, Hegemony and Ideology in Gramsci. Although Gramsci’s notion of hegemony yields a complex appreciation of the problem of ideology, Gramsci’s own goals were rather limited and prevented him from pursuing the logic of the problem to its end (as it has his followers, who often present him, wrongly in my opinion, as the key to a democratic socialism). Gramsci was, after all, a Leninist, and while his concept of hegemony pointed the way to exposing the problem of social discourses as distinct from ideology, his goal was to substitute the hegemony of revolutionaries for the hegemony of the bourgeoisie, rather than to recognize social discourses as a problem for ideology.

[40] Raymond Williams, Marxism and Literature (London: Oxford University Press, 1977); Michel Foucault, Power/Knowledge: Selected Interviews and Other Writings, 1972–1977, ed. Colin Gordon (New York: Pantheon, 1977).

[41] Harootunian, Things Seen and Unseen, 25.

[42] Fredric Jameson, The Political Unconscious: Narrative as a Socially Symbolic Act (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1981), 5253.

[43] This is where the problem of ideology appears as the problem of social discourses, the practical consciousness that is unconscious of itself as ideology because it is embedded in the language of everyday life. For a discussion of the problem of ideology as a problem of language, see John Thompson, Studies in the Theory of Ideology. The anarchist appreciation of the problem of social revolution as a problem of cultural revolution sounds very contemporary because of a contemporary tendency, in reaction to the seeming futility of politics (socialist or otherwise), to focus on the realm of culture as the site where solutions to contemporary problems of domination are to be found.

[44] Ricoeur, Ideology and Utopia, 15. If ideology in our day has become invisible, in Lefort’s words, because of a dissolving of the distinction between the real and its representation, utopia (an empty place, but primarily a place outside of society) may be more important than ever in cultivating a consciousness of ideology. For invisible ideology, see Claude Lefort, The Political Forms of Modern Society, ed. John B. Thompson (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1986), 224–36. Lefort in describing anarchism as a version of bourgeois ideology, overlooks the possibilities it offers in this regard (205).

[45] Ynestra King, Ecological Feminism, Zeta Magazine (July/August 1988), 125.

[46] Paul Thomas, Karl Marx and the Anarchists (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1985), 347.

[47] Benjamin Schwartz, In Search of Wealth and Power: Yen Fu and the West (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1964).

[48] Thomas A. Metzger, Developmental Criteria and Indigenously Conceived Options: A Normative Approach to China’s Modernization in Recent Times, Issues and Studies (February 1987), 72.

[49] Chang Hao, Chinese Intellectuals in Crisis: Search for Order and Meaning (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1987). Introduction.

[50] Metzger, Developmental Criteria, 72.

[51] Quoted in Tang Xiaobing, History Imagined Anew: Liang Ch’i-ch’ao in 1902. Unpublished paper (1990), 7.

[52] Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism (London: Verso, 1983).

[53] Paul Cohen, Between Tradition and Modernity: Wang T’ao and Reform in Late Qing China (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1974).

[54] Joseph Levenson, Confucian China and Its Modern Fate (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1968) 1, chap. 7.

[55] For the conversation between Kang Youwei, the reformer who made this statement, and the Emperor Guangxu, see Hsiao Kung-ch’uan, Weng T’ung-ho and the Reform Movement of 1898, Tsing Hua Journal of Chinese Studies 1, no. 2 (April 1957): 175–76.

[56] Chang Hao, Chinese Intellectuals in Crisis, 6.

[57] The description is Philip Huang’s; see Liang Ch’i-ch’ao and Modern Chinese Liberalism (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1972).

[58] Quoted in Wendy Larson, Literary Authority and the Chinese Writer, unpublished ms., 57. I am grateful to Professor Larson for sharing this ms. with me.

[59] Charlotte Furth, Intellectual Change: From the Reform Movement to the May Fourth Movement, 18951920, in The Cambridge History of China, ed. John K. Fairbank, vol. 12, pt. 1 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1983).

[60] Hsiao Kung-ch’uan, A New China and a New World: K’ang Yu-wei, Reformer and Utopian, 18581927 (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1975).

[61] K’ang Yu-wei, Ta T’ung Shu: The One World Philosophy of K’ang Yu-wei, tr. L. G. Thompson (London: Allen and Unwin, 1958).

[62] Tan Sitong, An Exposition of Benevolence: The Jen-hsueh of T’an Ssu-t’ung, tr. Chan Sin-wai (Hong Kong: Chinese University Press, 1984), 215–16. I have changed benevolence to humaneness.

[63] Chan suggests in his footnotes that the Westerner in question is Rip Van Winkle. The hundred-year sleep makes it more likely that it was the hero of Bellamy’s Looking Backward, which was already translated into Chinese at this time and made a great impression on Kang Youwei and his disciples. For Bellamy and the Chinese, see Martin Bernal, Chinese Socialism to 1907 (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1976).

[64] Chang Hao, Liang Ch’i-ch’ao and Intellectual Transition in Modern China (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1971).

[65] Xinmin shuo, in Xinhai geming qian shinianjian shilun xuanji (Collection of essays from the decade before 1911) (Beijing: Sanlian shudian, 1978) 1:118–57. For an extensive discussion of the new citizen, see also Chang Hao, Liang Ch’i-ch’ao.

[66] Zou Rong, The Revolutionary Army, tr. John Lust (The Hague: Mouton, 1968). This translation is in The Chinese Revolution, 19001950, ed. R. Vohra (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1974), 19.

[67] Chinese radicals derived this view of anarchism, as well as much of their information on it, from an influential book by the Japanese author Kemuyama Sentaro, Modern Anarchism. Though Kemuyama distinguished anarchism and nihilism, his book may account partially for confounding the two, as two-thirds of the book was devoted to the revolutionary movement in Russia. See Don Price, Russia and the Roots of the Chinese Revolution, 18961911 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1974), 122–24.

[68] Ma Xulun, Ershi shijizhi xin zhuyi (The new ideology of the twentieth century) (1903). See reprint in Wuzhengfu zhuyi sixiang ziliao xuan (Selection of materials on anarchist thought [hereafter WZFZYSX]), ed. Ge Maochun et al., 2 vols. (Beijing: Beijing daxue chubanshe, 1984), 1:13.

[69] WZFZYSX 1:8.

[70] WZFZYSX 1:9, 7.

[71] Ziran sheng (Zhang Ji), Wuzhengfu zhuyi ji wuzhengfu dangzhi jingshen (1904). See reprint in WZFZYSX 1:25.

[72] WZFZYSX 1:28,27.

[73] Reprinted in WZFZYSX 1:4151.

[74] See Cai Shangsi, Cai Yuanpei xueshu sixiang zhuanji (An intellectual biography of Cai Yuanpei) (Shanghai: Lianying shudian, 1950), 167.

[75] In including this piece in their collection on anarchist thought, Ge Maochun and the coeditors of Selection of Materials on Anarchist Thought obviously agree with this observation.

[76] Xinnian meng, 42.

[77] Ibid., 4245.

[78] Ibid., 46, 48.

[79] 33. Ibid., 51.

[80] Ibid.

[81] Ma, Ershi shijizhi xin zhuyi, 15.

[82] Ibid., 1516.

[83] This was the basic premise of Kang Youwei’s Datong shu. See chapter 1, where Kang describes distinctions (including those of nation, race, gender, family, and age) as the cause of all suffering in the world. Kang’s discussion had a strongly Buddhist tone, as did an essay that the prominent intellectual and revolutionary, Zhang Binglin, wrote in 1907, Wu-wu lun (Essay on the five negations). To achieve the supreme good, Zhang proposed five negations: no government (wuzhengfu), no fixed abode (wujulo), no humankind (wurenlei), no living creatures (wu-zhongsheng), no world (wushijie). By the latter he did not imply extermination of humankind or the world; rather, he meant overcoming the illusion of endowing them with a reality they did not have, much in the manner of Buddhism. For a discussion of this essay, see Michael Gasster, Chinese Intellectuals and the Revolution of 1911 (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1969), 210–13. This also suggests that negation (wu) and even nihilism (xuwu) did not have the negative connotations in China that they had in Europe, that they appeared positive from a Buddhist perspective, which perceived in the annihilation of consciousness a means to end sufferingand achieve salvation. This subject awaits study in its own right.

[84] Ma Xulun, Ilosi da fengchao (Great storm in Russia) (1902). See reprint in WZFZYSX 1:12. This statement is somewhat puzzling. Ma presumably meant that anarchism rose in response to the theories of Darwin and Spencer, as a socialist reaction to them. This was the meaning associated with anarchism in later years.

[85] Wuzhengfu zhuyi ji wuzhengfu dangzhi jingshen, 2831.

[86] Ershi shijizhi xin zhuyi, 6.

[87] Wuzhengfu zhuyi ji wuzhengfu dangzhi jingshen, 33.

[88] Price notes that Chinese used Kemuyama’s book on anarchism primarily as a source on Russian revolutionaries. See Russia and the Roots of the Chinese Revolution, 122.

[89] Ibid.

[90] Li Feigan (Ba Jin), in Gemingde xianqu (Vanguards of revolution) (Shanghai, 1928).

[91] Price, Russia and the Roots of the Chinese Revolution; Mary B. Rankin, Early Chinese Revolutionaries: Radical Intellectuals in Shanghai and Chekiang, 19021911 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1974).

[92] Rankin, Early Revolutionaries, 185.

[93] Richard Wang, Wu Chih-hui: An Intellectual and Political Biography (Ph.D. dis., University of Virginia, 1976), 42.

[94] Price, Russia and the Roots of the Chinese Revolution, 199.

[95] Chu Minyi, Puji geming (Universal revolution), Xin shiji (New era), no. 18 (19 October 1907): 3.

[96] Edward Krebs, Liu Ssu-fu and Chinese Anarchism, 19051915 (Ph.D. dis., University of Washington, 1977), 252–55.

[97] Wuzhengfu zhuyi ji wuzhengfu dangzhi jingshen, 36.

[98] James Pusey, China and Charles Darwin (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1983), 370433.

[99] Earlier, Liang Qichao had toyed with the idea of socialism, but abandoned it when the Revolutionary Alliance began to advocate social revolution. For a discussion, see Arif Dirlik, Socialism and Capitalism in Chinese Thought: The Origins, Studies in Comparative Communism 21, no. 2 (Summer 1987): 131–52.

[100] Ibid.

[101] For further information on the Paris anarchists, see Robert Scalapino and George T. Yu, The Chinese Anarchist Movement (Berkeley: Center for Chinese Studies, 1961); Peter Zarrow, Chinese Anarchists: Ideals and the Revolution of 1911 (Ph.D. dis., Columbia University, 1987); Richard Wang, Wu Chih-hui: An Intellectual and Political Biography (Ph.D. dis., University of Virginia, 1976); Li Wenneng, Wu Jingxian dui Zhongguo xiandai zhengzhide yingxiang (The influence of Wu Jingxian [Zhihui] on modern Chinese politics), Taibei, 1973; Shao Kelu (Jacques Reclus), Wo suorenshide Li Yuying xiansheng (The Li Yuying [Shizeng] that I knew), tr. Huang Shuyi (Mme J. Reclus), Zhuanji wenxue (Biographical literature) 45, no. 3 (1983); Zhu Chuanyu, ed., Li Shizeng zhuanji ziliao (Materials for a biography of Li Shizeng), Taibei, 1979.

[102] For the Tokyo anarchists, see Zarrow, Chinese Anarchists. For the earlier period of Liu’s activities, see Martin Bernal, Liu Shih-p’ei and National Essence, in The Limits of Change, ed. C. Furth (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1976).

[103] M. Bernal, The Triumph of Anarchism over Marxism, in China in Revolution, ed. M. C. Wright (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1971).

[104] James Joll and D. Apter, eds., Anarchism Today (New York: Anchor Books, 1972), 248.

[105] For a discussion of this point, see Richard Saltman, The Social and Political Thought of Michael Bakunin (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1983), chaps. 1 and 2.

[106] Qian Ye (Wu Zhihui), Jiu shehui zhuyi yizheng gemingzhi yilun (Clarifying the meaning of revolution through socialism), (Paris: Xin shiji congshu, 1906), 2, 4.

[107] Min, Wuzhengfu shuo (Anarchism), Xin shiji (New era [hereafter XSJ]), no. 60 (15 August 1908): 8. This was part of a long article that ran in XSJ, no. 31 (25 January 1908) through no. 60.

[108] Li Shizeng and Chu Minyi, Geming (Revolution), (Paris: Xin shiji congshu, 1907), 7.

[109] Min, Wuzhengfu shuo, XSJ, no. 38: 4. Also see Liyun datong shiyi (Explanation of great unity in the Evolution of Rites) in the same issue.

[110] Min (Chu Minyi), Puji geming (Universal revolution). XSJ, no. 17 (12 October 1907): 2. This long article ran through five issues.

[111] Li and Chu, Geming, 8.

[112] Yu yourenshu lun Xin shiji (Discussion of the New Era in response to a letter from a friend), XSJ, no. 3 (6 July 1907): 1.

[113] Min, Puji geming, XSJ, no. 17 (12 October 1907): 4.

[114] Min, Wuzhengfu shuo, XSJ, no. 34 (15 February 1908): 4.

[115] Pingxiang gemingjun yu Ma Fuyi (The Pingxiang revolutionary army and Ma Fuyi) (Paris: Xin shiji congshu, 1907).

[116] Zhen (Li Shizeng), Xisheng jishen jili yiqiu gongdaozhi daibiao Xu Xilin (Xu Xilin who sacrificed his body and his interest in the pursuit of the public way), XSJ, no. 12 (7 September 1907).

[117] Min, Puji geming, XSJ, no. 18 (19 October 1907): 2.

[118] XSJ, no. 17 (12 October 1907): 3.

[119] Ibid.

[120] Wu, Jiu shehui zhuyi, 8.

[121] Ran (Wu Zhihui), Wuzhengfu zhuyi yi jiaoyu wei geming shuo (Anarchists make revolution through education), XSJ, no. 65 (19 September 1908): 11.

[122] Yu canzheng lixianzhi tongbao yitan (A discussion with a compatriot who approves of constitution), XSJ, no. 16 (5 October 1907): 23.

[123] Min, Gemingzhi liuxue (On revolution spilling blood), XSJ, no. 103:56.

[124] Ran, Wuzhengfu zhuyi yi jiaoyu wei geming shuo, 11.

[125] Ibid.

[126] See Wuzhengfu shuo, installments in XSJ, nos. 4047.

[127] Wu, Jiu shehui zhuyi, 2.

[128] Min, Shenlun minzu minquan shehui (Discussion of national and democratic society), XSJ, no. 6 (27 July 1907): 4.

[129] Min, Bagong (Strikes), XSJ, no. 92 (10 April 1909): 58.

[130] Min, Gongren (Workers), XSJ, no. 79 (26 December 1908): 4.

[131] Min, Bagong, 8.

[132] Min, Gongren, 4.

[133] Min, Puji geming, XSJ, no. 18 (19 October 1907): 2.

[134] Ibid., XSJ, no. 17, 4.

[135] Ibid., 23.

[136] Min, Wuzhengfu shuo, XSJ, no. 31 (25 January 1908): 2.

[137] Zhen (Li Shizeng), Bo Xin shiji congshu Geming (A refutation of Revolution in the New Era compendium), XSJ, no. 5 (20 July 1907): 12. This was Li’s response to a criticism of Revolution.

[138] Li and Chu, Geming, 1.

[139] Min, Shenlun minzu minquan shehui, 4.

[140] Li and Chu, Geming, 1.

[141] Min, Puji geming, XSJ, no. 23 (23 November 1907): 34. For Reclus’s views, see Marie Fleming, The Anarchist Way to Socialism: Élisée Reclus and Nineteenth Century European Anarchism (London: Croom and Helm, 1979).

[142] Ran, Rui Fang (Rui Fang), XSJ, no. 9 (17 August 1907): 34.

[143] Min, Shenlun minzu minquan shehui, 3.

[144] Zhuhun/Zhen, Laishu/fuda (Letter and answer), XSJ, no. 6 (27 July 1907): 1.

[145] Zhen, Tanxue (On learning), XSJ, nos. 7 and 21 (3 August and 9 November 1907); no. 7:1.

[146] Ran, Wuzhengfu zhuyi yi jiaoyu wei geming shuo, 10.

[147] Min, Wuzhengfu shuo, XSJ, no. 38 (14 March 1908): 2.

[148] Ibid., XSJ, no. 35 (22 February 1908): 3.

[149] Ibid., XSJ, no. 41 (4 April 1908): 2.

[150] Ibid., XSJ, no. 33 (8 February 1908): 4.

[151] Min, Shenlun minzu minquan shehui, 4.

[152] Yu yourenshu lun Xin shiji, 1 (n. 14 above).

[153] Fan, Guocuizhi chufen (Disposal of national essence), XSJ, no. 44 (25 April 1908): 1.

[154] Cizhi wei Zhongguo shengren (This is China’s sage), XSJ, no. 1 (22 June 1907): 3.

[155] See the two articles by Zhen, Nujie geming (Revolution of women) and Nannu geming (Men-women revolution) in XSJ, nos. 5, 7, 8. This is no. 8 (10 August 1907): 1.

[156] Jue Sheng, BaiKong zhengyan (Soliciting the overthrow of Confucius), XSJ, no. 52 (20 June 1908): 4.

[157] Zhen, Sangang geming (Three bonds revolution), XSJ, no. 11 (31 August 1907): 2.

[158] Min, Wuzhengfu shuo, XSJ, no. 38:4.

[159] Zhen, Sangang geming, 1, 2.

[160] Min, Wuzhengfu lun, XSJ, no. 40 (28 March 1908): 2.

[161] Lun zhishi yiwai wu daode, XSJ, no. 79 (26 December 1908).

[162] Min, Puji geming, XSJ, no. 17 (12 October 1907): 4.

[163] Fleming, The Anarchist Way, 77.

[164] Zhen, Jinhua yu geming (Evolution and revolution), XSJ, no. 20 (2 November 1907): 1.

[165] See the report Shehui zhuyi jiangxihui diyici kaihui jishi (Record of the first meeting of the society for the study of socialism), XSJ, nos. 22, 25, 26. This is no. 22 (16 November 1907): 4.

[166] Shenshu (Liu Shipei), Renlei junli shuo (On the equal ability of human beings), Tianyi bao (Natural justice, hereafter TYB), no. 3 (10 July 1907): 2436, 3435. The pagination here is that of the Daian reprint of this journal.

[167] Shenshu, Dushu zaji (Random notes on books read), TYB, nos. 1112 (30 November 1907): 416–17. These were notes on a book by Tolstoy, Rendao zhuyi (Humanitarianism).

[168] Shenshu, XiHan shehui zhuyixue fada kao (Examination of the development of the study of socialism in the Western Han), TYB, no. 5 (10 August 1907): 91–97.

[169] Shenshu, Ouzhou shehui zhuyi yu wuzhengfu zhuyi tongkao (Examination of anarchism and socialism in Europe), TYB, no. 6 (1 September 1907): 145–48.

[170] Shenshu, Lun xinzheng wei bingminzhi gen (New politics is the root of the people’s sickness), TYB, nos. 810 (combined issue) (30 October 1907): 1932–03.

[171] Peter Zarrow, Anarchism in Chinese Political Culture (New York: Columbia University Press, 1990), chap. 6.

[172] Wuzhengfu geming yu nongmin geming (Anarchist and peasant revolutions) and Lun nongye yu gongye lianhezhi kexing yu Zhongguo (A system combining agriculture and industry can be applied in China). Reprints in Wuzhengfu zhuyi sixiang ziliao xuan (Selection of materials on anarchist thought), ed. Ge Maochun et al., 2 vols. (Beijing: Beijing daxue chubanshe, 1984), 1:158–66.

[173] For further discussion, see Wolfgang Bauer, China and the Search for Happiness, trans. Michael Shaw (New York: Seabury, 1976), 352–53.

[174] Anti-modernism here implies neither conservatism nor opposition to change, but rather a questioning of the basic social, economic, and cultural premises of modernist ideology embedded in assumptions that all technological and social change is good because progressivewhat we might describe as a fetishism of modernity.

[175] Liu’s utopia is reminiscent of the utopia of Cai Yuanpei discussed in chapter 3. Note that Cai stressed that everyone should work in some professional capacity (as he would in later years as well) rather than equalization through equal labor. It is also possible that Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels contributed to Liu’s ideas. Tianyi bao in nos. 1619 (combined issue) published parts of the Communist Manifesto, including the ten-point program for the achievement of socialism. Points 9 and 10 refer to the practice of labor and the combination of industry and agriculture under socialism.

[176] See the translation by a Qu Fei of I Duerside da Riben baozhi xinwenshe shu (Tolstoy’s letter to Japanese periodical and newspaper association), TYB, no. 5 (10 August 1907): 99–102, where Tolstoy praised East Asian agrarian society, warned against the fetishism of modernity, and pointed to European (as well as Japanese) societies as examples of the baneful effects of modernization, which he believed would soon bring these societies down. Judging by its content, this letter was not significantly different from a letter Tolstoy sent about the same time to Gu Hongming, entitled Letter to a Chinese. For a discussion, see Derk Bodde, Tolstoy and China (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1950), 47–58.

[177] For further discussion, see Zarrow, Chinese Anarchists, 138–40.

[178] Shenshu, Yazhou xianshi lun (The contemporary trend in Asia), TYB, nos. 1112 (combined issue): 345–68.

[179] See the response to the report on the meeting of the Society for the Study of Socialism, in XSJ, no. 24 (30 November 1907): 4.

[180] Bauer, China and the Search for Happiness, 350–55. For an elaborate discussion of Wu Zhihui’s scientism, see Daniel Kwok, Scientism in Chinese Thought, 19001950 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1965).

[181] Bernal, Liu Shih-p’ei and National Essence.

[182] For a discussion of this practice, see Kenneth Chen, Buddhism in China: A Historical Survey (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1964).

[183] Zhen, Tanxue, XSJ, no. 7:2.

[184] Ibid., XSJ, no. 21:4.

[185] Zhen, Da Chee shi (Response to Mr. Chee), XSJ, no. 3 (6 July 1907): 2.

[186] XSJ, no. 28 (4 January 1908): 2.

[187] James Pusey, China and Charles Darwin (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1983), 370–433.

[188] Melvin Lasky, Utopia and Revolution (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1976).

[189] Min, Wuzhengfu shuo, XSJ, no. 34 (15 February 1908): 3.

[190] Jing Meijiu, Zuian (Account of crimes), in Xinhai geming ziliao leipian (Materials on the 1911 Revolution) (Beijing: Zhongguo shehui kexue chubanshe, 1981), 54–160.

[191] Ibid., 140, 143.

[192] Ibid., 74 and 144–45.

[193] For a discussion, see Robert Scalapino and George T. Yu, The Chinese Anarchist Movement (Berkeley: Center for Chinese Studies, 1961), 37, 38.

[194] Jiang Kanghu, Hongshui ji (Flood waters collection, hereafter HSJ), 5355. For information on Jiang’s activities, see his Jinshi sanda zhuyi yu Zhongguo (Three great modern ideologies and China) (Nanfang daxue, 1924), 3754. In addition to teaching at the University of California at Berkeley, Jiang also worked at the Library of Congress during his years in the United States.

[195] Martin Bernal, Chinese Socialism before 1913, in Modern China’s Search for a Political Form, ed. J. Gray (London: Oxford University Press, 1969).

[196] For Taixu and the Buddhist revival, see Holmes Welsh, The Buddhist Revival in China (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1968).

[197] Fen Xia (Shajin), Xiayi shehui zhuyi yu guangyi shehui zhuyi (Narrow and broad socialism), Shehui shijie (The world of society), no. 1 (15 April 1912). Reprinted in Wuzhengfu zhuyi sixiang ziliao xuan (Selection of materials on anarchist thought, hereafter WZFZYSX), ed. Ge Maochun et al., 2 vols. (Beijing: Beijing daxue chubanshe, 1984), 1:223–44.

[198] Shehui dang yuanqi ji yuezhang (The original covenant of the Socialist party), Liangxin (Conscience), no. 1 (20 July 1913). In Ge Maochun et al., WZFZYSX 1:249–50. For an elaboration of the program, see Shehui dang gangmu shuoming shu (Letter clarifying the program and goals of the Socialist party), in ibid., 251–53.

[199] Jiashen, Wuzhengfuzhi yanjiu (Examination of anarchy). Liangxin, no. 1 (20 July 1913). In WZFZYSX 1:253–54.

[200] Wushijie zhuyi, Liangxin, no. 2 (August 1913). In WZFZYSX, 265–66.

[201] See his contribution to the special issue on Shifu of Minzhong (People’s tocsin) 2, no. 3 (March 1927).

[202] Most of this information on Shifu is derived from the excellent study of Shifu and early Chinese anarchism by Edward S. Krebs, Liu Ssu-fu and Chinese Anarchism, 19051915 (Ph.D. dis., University of Washington, 1977).

[203] Ibid., 188.

[204] Ibid., 117–24.

[205] Zheng Peigang, Wuzhengfu zhuyi zai Zhongguo ruogan shishi (Some facts on anarchism in China), in Guangzhou wenshi ziliao (Historical and literary materials on Guangzhou), no. 1 (1963): 175. Zheng was from the same county as Shifu; his older brother Zheng Bian had been a close associate of Shifu’s from the beginning. Zheng Paigang’s account of his radicalization is quite revealing (ibid.).

[206] Krebs, Liu Ssu-fu, 244–46. Krebs’s discussion of the Buddhist influence on Shifu and the Conscience Society is perceptive. While some aspects of Buddhism were blended into the practices of the group, Shifu clearly distinguished anarchism as a rational and scientific belief system from Buddhism, as well as from other Chinese traditions. See 252–57.

[207] Ibid., 246, for the list.

[208] Ibid., 264–69, for this society.

[209] Ibid., 266–67. Also see Mo Jipeng, A Memoir of Shih Fu, unpublished ms., 5258. I am grateful to Ed Krebs for sharing this ms. with me.

[210] The list of those who came to be involved with Shifu’s group reads like a who’s who of Chinese anarchism in the 1920s: in addition to his brother, Liu Shixin, these included Huang Lingshuang, Huang Zunsheng, Liang Bingxian, Ou Shengbai, Yuan Zhenying, and Zheng Peigang.

[211] Mo Jipeng, Memoir, 6671. Mo’s account suggests that the inspiration came from Chinese utopias, as well as from European utopian socialists.

[212] See Zheng Peigang, Some Facts on Anarchism, 175, and Krebs, Liu Ssu-fu, 269–77 for the group’s publication activities.

[213] Krebs, Liu Ssu-fu, 279–85. See also Wang Yan, Wuzhengfu zhuyi yu shijieyu (Anarchism and Esperanto), in Guangzhou wenshi ziliao, no. 1 (1962): 4047.

[214] Huang Yibo, Wuzhengfu zhuyizhe zai Guangzhou gao gonghui huodong huiyi (Recollection of anarchist labor union activities in Guangzhou), in Guangzhou wenshi ziliao, no. 1 (1962): 117; Liu Shixin, Guanyu wuzhengfu zhuyi huodongde diandi huiyi (Remembering bits and pieces of anarchist activity), in Ge Maochun et al., WZFZYSX 2:926–29. The reference to the early activities was from an official British report. See Daniel Y. K. Kwan, Deng Zhongxia and the Shenggang General Strike, 19251926 (Ph.D. dis., University of London, 1985), 43. I am grateful to Dr. Kwan for sharing his dissertation with me.

[215] Qian Ye (Wu Zhihui), Jiu shehui zhuyi yizheng gemingzhi yilun (Clarifying the meaning of revolution through socialism) (Paris: Xin shiji congshu, 1906).

[216] Shifu (Liu Sifu), Shifu wencun (Writings of Shifu, hereafter SFWC) (Guangzhou: Gexin shuju, 1927), 131–38, 170.

[217] SFWC, 6, 170,5,81–83

[218] SFWC, 48.

[219] SFWC, 48

[220] SFWC, 53.

[221] SFWC, 54.

[222] SFWC, 45–47.

[223] SFWC, 112

[224] Liu Shipei, speech at the first meeting of the Society for the Study of Socialism. Reported in Xin shiji (XSJ), no. 22 (16 November 1907).

[225] Liyun datong shiyi (Explanation of great unity in the Evolution of Rites), XSJ, no. 38 (14 March 1908): 2.

[226] Krebs, Liu Ssu-fu, 252–57.

[227] SFWC, 18.

[228] HSJ, 5354.

[229] Jiang Kanghu, China and the Social Revolution (San Francisco: Chinese Socialist Club, 1914), 23.

[230] HSJ, 26,27.

[231] HSJ, 18 and 40.

[232] HSJ, 41.

[233] HSJ, 97. This point had been made earlier by Hu Hanmin in his defense of socialism in the Revolutionary Alliance. See Min Yi, Gao feinan minsheng zhuyizhe (Response to attacks on the principle of people’s livelihood), Minbao (People’s journal), no. 12 (6 March 1907): 102.

[234] HSJ, 4344; 76–77.

[235] HSJ, 82, 15, 26.

[236] HSJ, 41.

[237] HSJ, 4.

[238] HSJ, 97.

[239] HSJ, 63, 2829, 9.

[240] HSJ, 106, 30, 29, 31.

[241] HSJ, 31.

[242] HSJ, 35, 36.

[243] HSJ, 28.

[244] Xu Ancheng (pseud. Jiang Kanghu), Ziyou yingye guanjian (Views on private enterprise), XSJ, no. 97 (15 May 1909).

[245] HSJ, 3.

[246] Bernal, Chinese Socialism before 1913.

[247] SFWC, 32, 191. The major articles Shifu wrote were Sun Yixian Jiang Kanghu zhi shehui zhuyi (The socialism of Sun Zhongshan and Jiang Kanghu), Minsheng (People’s voice, MS), no. 6 (18 April 1914); Lun Shehui dang (The Socialist party), MS, no. 9 (9 May 1914); Da Jiang Kanghu (Answer to Jiang Kanghu), MS, no. 8 (2 May 1914); Bo Jiang Kanghu (Refutation of Jiang Kanghu), MS, no. 15 (21 June 1914), written in response to Jiang’s A Critique of a Critique of Socialism, which he had written in the United States; Jiang Kanghu zhi wuzhengfu zhuyi (The anarchism of Jiang Kanghu), MS, no. 17 (14 July 1914). The discussion here is based on reprints in SFWC.

[248] Sun Yixian shehui zhuyi tan (Sun Yat-sen’s discussion of socialism) (n.p., 1912).

[249] SFWC, 21–32.

[250] SFWC, 34–36.

[251] SFWC, 232–51.

[252] SFWC, 218.

[253] SFWC, 15–16.

[254] SFWC, 211–13.

[255] SFWC, 147–48.

[256] Min Yi, Gao feinan minsheng zhuyizhe, 102.

[257] SFWC, 17.

[258] G. D. H. Cole, A History of Socialist Thought (New York: Macmillan, 1953), 1:40–50.

[259] See Jiang Kanghu, Jiang Kanghu yanjiang lu (Speeches of Jiang Kanghu), 2 vols. (Shanghai: Nanfang daxue, 1923).

[260] SFWC, 24. For Bakunin’s views, see Bakunin on Anarchy, ed. Sam Dolgoff (New York: Knopf, 1972).

[261] Martin Miller, Kropotkin (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1976), chap. 12.

[262] Paul Avrich, The Russian Anarchists (New York: Norton, 1978), 83–84.

[263] Kuang Husheng, Wusi yundong jishi (Record of the May Fourth movement), in Wusi aiguo yundong (The May Fourth patriotic movement), 2 vols. (Beijing: Shehui kexue yanjiu yuan, 1979), 1:498; and Annaqi zhuyi zai Zhongguode zhuanpan huodong duanpian (A brief discussion of the propagation and activities of anarchism in China), in Wenshi ziliao xuanji (Selections from literary and historical source materials) (Beijing: Wenshi ziliao chubanshe, 1983), 90:121. Kuang had participated in revolutionary activities in Hunan before he enrolled in Beijing Higher Normal College (present-day Normal University). He later became a teacher in Hunan First Normal in Changsha (a source of many radicals at this time, including Mao). In the mid-1920s he ran an experimental school in Shanghai (see below, chap. 8). He was apparently adept at martial arts. He and his comrades participated in the events of May 4, 1919, apparently all prepared to die. See Kuang, 494.

[264] Kuang, Wusi yundong jishi, 494.

[265] Wusi shiqi qikan jieshao (Introduction to the periodicals of the May Fourth period), 3 vols. (Beijing: Sanlian shudian, 1979), vol. 1, pt. 1, 321.

[266] Between 1919 and 1928, ninety-two anarchist societies were established in various parts of China, many of them publishing their own journals. Although these societies did not survive long enough to be significant, their numbers and geographical spread indicate the popularity of anarchism. The numbers peaked in 192223. See the listing in Wuzhengfu zhuyi sixiang ziliao xuan (Selection of Materials on Anarchist Thought [WZFZYSX]), ed. Ge Maochun et al., 2 vols. (Beijing: Beijing daxue chubanshe, 1983), 2:1059–87, and Wusi shiqide shetuan (Societies of the May Fourth period), 4 vols. (Beijing: Sanlian shudian, 1979), 4:325–51.

[267] American Consulate, Amoy, Bolshevist Propaganda in the Amoy Consular District (Dispatch no. 306), 10 April 1920, in Records of the Department of State Relating to Internal Affairs of China, 19101929 (Washington, D.C.: The National Archives, 1960), Roll 71.

[268] Ibid. (Dispatch no. 313), 24 April 1920.

[269] John Dewey, Bolshevism in China, Service Report (2 December 1920), in ibid.

[270] Chen Duxiu, Tongmeng hui yu wuzhengfu dang (The Revolutionary Alliance and anarchists) in Duxiu wencun (Collection of works by Chen Duxiu), 2 vols. (Shanghai, 1922), 2:44.

[271] See the reports by police agents in Zhongguo wuzhengfu zhuyi he Zhongguo shehuidang (Chinese anarchism and the Chinese Socialist party), ed. the No. 2 Historical Archives (Nanjing: Jiangsu renmin chuban she, 1981), passim.

[272] Ibid., 19,31, 75.

[273] Hu Shi, Duo yanjiu xie wenti, shactan xie zhuyi (More discussion of problems, less discussion of isms), Meizhou pinglun (Weekly critic) (20 July 1919).

[274] Bao Huiseng, Wo suozhidaode Chen Duxiu (The Chen Duxiu that I knew), in Chen Duxiu pinglun xuanpian (Selected essays on Chen Duxiu), 2 vols. (Henan renmin chubanshe, 1982), 2:296.

[275] Zhongguo wuzhengfu zhuyi he Zhongguo shehuidang, 7779. Also see Liang Bingxian, Jiefang bielu (An alternative record of liberation) (n.d., n.p.), 33.

[276] Wusi shiqide shetuan 4:152351 refers to these places.

[277] Ibid., 325–1, for list of anarchist journals during this period.

[278] Ibid., 166, 190.

[279] Minsheng (People’s voice), no. 30 (15 March 1921).

[280] See Xia Yan, Dang wusi langchao zhongdao Zhejiang shihou (Encounter with Zhejiang in the midst of the May Fourth tide), in Wusi yundong huiyi lu (Reminiscences of the May Fourth Movement), 3 vols. (Beijing: Zhongguo shehui kexue chubanshe, 1979), 2:732. Also see Jiang Jun, Lu Jianbo xiansheng zaoniande wuzhengfu zhuyi xuanchuan huodong jishi (Record of Mr. Lu Jianbo’s anarchist activities in his youth), in WZFZYSX 2:1011.

[281] Fan Puqi, Sanshi nian qiande Annaqi zhuyi xuehui (The Anarchist Study Society of thirty years ago), in Zhongjian (The middle) 1, no. 8 (4 November 1948): 24. This brief memoir also contains some interesting information on the use of the theater by young radicals in Sichuan to spread anarchism.

[282] The most comprehensive account is Chow Tse-tsung, The May Fourth Movement: Intellectual Revolution in Modern China (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1967).

[283] Lin Yu-sheng, The Crisis of Chinese Consciousness (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1979).

[284] Quoted in Chow, May Fourth Movement, 174–75.

[285] Vera Schwarzc, The May Fourth Enlightenment Movement (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1985). For an example of the latter, see He Ganzhi, Jindai Zhongguo qimeng yundong shi (The modern Chinese enlightenment movement) (Shanghai, 1947).

[286] April Carter, The Political Philosophy of Anarchism (New York: Harper Torchbooks, 1971).

[287] Wusi shiqi qikan jieshao 1, pt. 2:188–89.

[288] Edgar Snow, Red Star Over China (New York: Grove Press, 1961), 147–48.

[289] Chow, May Fourth Movement, 75.

[290] For a recent example, see Lee Feigon, Chen Duxiu: Founder of the Chinese Communist Party (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1983).

[291] Jiu sixiang yu guoti wenti (Old thinking and the question of national formation), Xin qingnian (New youth) 3, no. 3 (1 May 1917).

[292] Rensheng zhenyi (The real meaning of life), Laodong 1, no. 1 (20 March 1918). This was a reprint of an article originally published in Xin qingnian in February 1918.

[293] Maurice Meisner, Li Ta-chao and the Origins of Chinese Marxism (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1967), 14133. Also see Nohara Shiro, Anarchism in the May Fourth Movement, tr. in Libero International, nos. 14 (January 1975April 1976).

[294] Chow, May Fourth Movement, 301.

[295] Liang Bingxian, Jiefang bielu, 7, for Qian Xuantong. See text below for Zhou Zuoren.

[296] Charlotte Furth, May Fourth in History, in Reflections on the May Fourth Movement, ed. Benjamin I. Schwartz (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1972).

[297] Chen, Jiu sixiang yu guoti wenti.

[298] Quoted in Ma King-cheuk, A Study of Hsin Ch’ing-nien (New Youth) Magazine, 19151926 (Ph.D. dis., London University, 1974), 67.

[299] The phrase is from Raymond Williams, Literature and Revolution (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1977).

[300] Quoted in Chow, May Fourth Movement, 304.

[301] Wusi shiqide shetuan, 370, 443.

[302] Olga Lang, Pa Chin and His Writings: Chinese Youth Between the Two Revolutions (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1967), 7.

[303] Quoted in Paul G. Clifford, The Intellectual Development of Wu Zhihui: A Reflection of Society and Politics in Late Qing and Republican China (Ph.D. dis., London University, 1978), 325.

[304] For information on these activities, see Clifford, Wu Zhihui, and Paul Bailey, The Chinese Work-Study Movement in France, China Quarterly, no. 115 (September 1988), 441–61. Chinese scholars have made available extensive materials on this movement recently. See Qinghua daxue Zhonggong dangshi jiaoyan zu, Fufa Qingong Jianxue yundong shiliao (Historical materials on the diligent-work frugal-study movement in France), 3 vols. (Beijing: Beijing chubanshe, 1979).

[305] These speeches were printed in Huagong zazhi (began publication in January 1917), ostensibly the journal of Chinese laborers in France. Cai’s speeches were published as part of Cai Jiemin xiansheng yanxing lu (Record of Mr. Cai Jiemin’s speeches) (Beijing: Beijing daxue chubanshe, 1920).

[306] Ming K. Chan, Labor and Empire: The Chinese Labor Movement in the Canton Delta, 18951927 (Ph.D. dis., Stanford University, 1975), 42.

[308] Liu Shixin, Guanyu wuzhengfu zhuyi huodongde diandi huiyi (Remembering bits and pieces of anarchist activity). WZFZYSX 2:926–39.

[309] Wang Yan, Wuzhengfu zhuyi yu shijieyu (Anarchism and Esperanto), in Guangzhou wenshi ziliao (Historical and literary materials on Guangzhou), no. 1 (1962): 45.

[310] Ibid., 41. This Esperanto Reader, according to Wang, was used widely nationwide.

[311] Winston Hsieh, The Ideas and Ideals of a Warlord: Ch’en Chiung-ming, Harvard Papers on China, 16:214. For further information on Chen and the anarchists in Fujian, see Liang Bingxian, Jiefang bielu, 10–12, 15–18.

[312] Remarkable Discovery at PaotingfuChinese Communist ManifestoCirculated in Gospel of St. Luke, Peking and Tientsin Times, 22 March 1922. Anarchists were quite creative; they even smuggled materials in loaves of bread. See Zheng Peigang, Wuzhengfu zhuyi zai Zhongguode ruogan shishi (Some facts on anarchism in China), Guangzhou wenshi ziliao, no. 1 (1963): 195. References to these anarchists appeared frequently in the student paper at Beida, Beijing daxue rikan (Beijing University daily), beginning in 1917.

[313] Xu Deheng, Wusi yundong zai Beijing (The May Fourth Movement in Beijing), in Wusi yundong huiyi lu (Beijing: Zhongguo shehui kexue chubanshe, 1979) 1:212.

[314] Liang Zhu, Cai Yuanpei yu Beijing daxue (Cai Yuanpei and Beijing University) (Ningxia renmin chubanshe, 1983), 158–65.

[315] Beijing daxue zhi Jinde hui (The Promote Virtue Society of Beijing University), Beijing daxue rikan (Beijing Student daily), 19 January 1918.

[316] Beijing daxue rikan, 13 December 1917.

[317] Ibid., 8 February 1918. With the February 16 issue the paper added an Esperanto headline.

[318] Beijing daxue xuesheng zhoukan (Beijing University student weekly), nos. 12, 16. It was also here that Huang Lingshuang and Zhu Qianzhi had earlier debated anarchism. No. 12 framed Kropotkin’s portrait with the slogans Free organization, free association, mutual aid, mutual support.

[319] Xu Deheng, May Fourth Movement in Beijing, 212.

[320] Wusi shiqi qikan jieshao 3, pt. 1:215. For Chen, see Zheng Peigang, Some Facts on Anarchism, 186.

[321] The one exception was the translation into Chinese of an essay (published simultaneously in Chinese and English), Xie yu tie (Blood and iron) from the English anarchist periodical Freedom. This essay, translated by a Ru Fei, openly advocated socialism and social revolution from an anarchist perspective. Xin qingnian 1, no. 4 (15 December 1915).

[322] Wusi shiqide shetuan 4:164.

[323] See the order of the Ministry of Communications concerning the banning of Jinbua and other anarchist publications, in Zhongguo wuzhengfu zhuyi he Zhongguo shehuidang, 19.

[324] Liu Shixin, Anarchist Activity, 9–32.

[325] Zhu Zhengjia, ed., Zhonggong dangshi yanjiu lunwen xuan (Selected essays on the history of the Community party of China), 3 vols. (Changsha: Hunan renmin chubanshe, 1983), 1:161.

[326] Shao Lizi, Dang chengli qianhoude yixie qingkuang (Certain circumstances surrounding the establishment of the party), in Yida qianhou (The period of the first congress), 2 vols. (Beijing: Renmin chubanshe, 1980), 2:70.

[327] Arif Dirlik, The Origins of Chinese Communism (New York: Oxford University Press, 1989), chap. 3.

[328] Yi Cun, Iguo guojipai shixingde zhenglue (The political strategy of the extremists in Russia), Laodong, no. 1 (20 March 1918): 9.

[329] Laodong, no. 2 (12 April 1918).

[330] Quoted in Wusi siqi qikan jieshao 2, pt. 1:170

[331] Laoren, Ouzhan yu laodongzhe (The European war and laborers), Laodong, no. 1:17.

[332] Authorities were particularly concerned about this aspect of anarchist advocacy, which made anarchists seem the most dangerous group among Chinese radicals. At a time of economic crisis and depression, they believed, anarchist efforts to radicalize workers and students posed a grave threat to the state. See Zhongguo wuzhengfu zhuyi he Zhongguo shehuidang, 34, 74. The American charges d’affaires in Beijing, Charles deTenney, echoed these fears in an April 26, 1920, dispatch to the State Department: It must be understood that there is a large class of landless and penniless Chinese to whom the prospects of looting are an attraction and who may be influenced by the propaganda.

[333] Hunan qu wuzhengfu zhuyizhe tongmeng xuanyan (Manifesto of Hunan anarchists), Hudson Collection, Package 6, part 2.

[334] Wusi shiqide shetuan 4:162.

[335] Wusi shiqi qikan jieshao 3, pt. 2:494–95.

[336] Wusi shiqide shetuan 4:162.

[337] Hunan qu wuzhengfu zhuyizhe tongmeng xuanyan.

[338] This manifesto, which was widely circulated, was, judging by its contents, Shifu’s Wuzhengfu qianshuo (Anarchism explained simply), in Shifu wencun (Collected works of Shifu) (n.p.: Gexin shuju, 1927).

[339] Wusi shiqide shetuan 4:164, 167.

[340] Peter Kropotkin, Anarchist Morality, in Kropotkin’s Revolutionary Pamphlets (London: Benjamin Blom, 1968), 91, 95.

[341] Shishe ziyou lu (Records of Freedom of Truth Society), Wusi shiqi qikan jieshao 3, pt. 1:216–17.

[342] Cai Jiemin xiansheng yanxing lu, 339–41.

[343] Shifu wencun, 49–50.

[344] Laodongzhe yan (Laborers speak), no. 1, 2.

[345] Hunan qu wuzhengfu zhuyizhe tongmeng xuanyan.

[346] Ming Chan. Also see Shifu wencun, 36. This accorded with the anarchist belief that worker organizations must be outside of politics. See 83–84.

[347] Lun gongdang buxing youyu gongxue busheng (Absence of a workers’ party stems from the stagnation of work-study), Laodong, no. 1:3. On the educational tasks of syndicates, see Shifu wencun, 81–83.

[348] Ibid. See also p. 56 for the necessity of revolutionary organizations to anticipate future society.

[349] Wusi shiqi qikan jieshao 3, pt. 1:193–203.

[350] Hu Shi, Gongdu huzhutuan wenti (The problem of labor-learning mutal-aid groups), Xin Qingnian 7, no. 5 (1 April 1920): 2.

[351] Huang Liqun, Liufa qingong jianxue jianshi (Brief history of the diligent-work frugal-study program in France) (Beijing: Jiaoyu kexue chuban she, 1982), 41.

[352] Hua Lin, Gongxue zhuyi ji fangfa (Labor-learning’ism and its method), Luou zhoukan, no. 45 (12 September 1920): 1.

[353] Gongdu zhuyi jinxing zhi xiwang (Hopes in labor-learning’ism), Laodong, no. 4, quoted in Wusi shiqi qikan jieshao 2, pt. 1:178.

[354] Cai, Gongxue huzhutuan di da xiwang in Cai Yuanpei yanxing lu (Record of Cai Yuanpei’s speeches) (Shanghai, 1932), 555.

[355] Laodongzhe yan, Laodong 1, no. 1 (20 March 1918): 2.

[356] Laogong shensheng, 27 November 1918. Originally published in Beijing daxue rikan. In Zhongguo xiandai shi ziliao xuanpian (Materials on modern Chinese history), 3 vols. (Heilongjiang renmin chubanshe, 1981), 1:30–31.

[357] Guowai qingong jianxuehui yu guonei gongxue huzhutuan (Diligent-work frugal-study abroad and labor-learning mutual-aid groups at home), Cai Yuanpei yanxing lu, 58–59.

[358] See the regulating principles of some of these organizations in Wusi shiqide shetuan 2:360–528, passim.

[359] An extensive discussion of Zhou’s New Village Movement is available in Ding Shouhe, Cong wusi qimeng yundong dao Makesi zhuyi de chuanpo (From the May Fourth enlightenment movement to the propagation of Marxism) (Beijing: Renmin chubanshe, 1978), 21519. For a comparison of the principles of new villages with gongxue organizations, see Wusi shiqi qikan jieshao 2, pt. 1:299–300.

[360] Jitao, Gongdu huzhutuan yu zibenjiade shengchanzhi (Labor-learning groups and capitalism), Xin qingnian 7, no. 5 (1 April 1920):512.

[361] Ping gongdu zhuyi (Labor-learning’ism), Jiefang yu gaizao 2, no. 3 (1 February 1920): 3.

[362] Wang Guangqi, Gongdu huzhutuan (Labor-learning mutual aid groups), Shaonian Zhongguo 1, no. 7 (15 January 1920). Reprinted in Wusi shiqide shetuan 2:379.

[363] Wusi shiqi qikan jieshao 2, pt. 1:297.

[364] Jiefang bielu, 6.

[365] Zheng Peigang, Some Facts on Anarchism, 185. Also see Yun Daiying, Huiyi wusi qianhou jianli shetuande huodong (Recollections of organizational activities around the May Fourth period), in Wusi yundong huiyi lu (xupian), 31.

[366] For an extensive discussion of the formation of Communist groups and the role anarchism played in them, see Arif Dirlik, The Origins of Chinese Communism (New York: Oxford University Press, 1989), chap. 8.

[367] For Peng Pai, see Robert Marks, Rural Revolution in South China (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1984). For Shen Xuanlu’s activities, see Weiqian nongmin yundong (The peasant movement in Weiqian) (Beijing: Zhonggong dangshi ziliao chubanshe, 1987).

[368] According to a British report in Hong Kong, forty anarchist leaders left for France in 1922, considerably weakening the labor movement in Guangzhou. See Daniel Y. K. Kwan, Deng Zhongxia and the Shenggang General Strike, 1925–1926 (Ph.D. dis., University of London, 1985), 45. Ou Shengbai and Huang Lingshuang left Guangzhou in 1923, the former for France, the latter for the United States. In 1922 Chen Duxiu published a letter from Huang stating that he had decided to follow Chen Duxiu into Bolshevism, which worried the anarchists. In 1923 Huang sent an open letter to anarchist journals reiterating his commitment to anarchism. See Xin Qingnian (New youth) (1 July 1922) for the letter to Chen. For Huang’s confirmation of his anarchism, see Lingshuang zhi mojun han (A letter from Lingshuang), Chunlei yuekan (Spring thunder monthly), no. 1 (10 October 1923): 105.

[369] The discussion here draws on Dirlik, The Origins of Chinese Communism (New York: Oxford University Press, 1989), which may be consulted for further information and sources.

[370] Ibid., 31, 149.

[371] Ibid., chap. 9.

[372] Zheng, Wuzhengfu zhuyi zai Zhongguo ruogan shishi (Some facts concerning anarchism in China), Guangzhou wenshi ziliao (Historical and literary materials on Guangzhou), no. 1 (April 1963): 191. For the meeting in Shanghai, in which Japanese and Korean radicals were present, see Thomas A. Stanley, Osugi Sakae: Anarchist in Taisho Japan (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1982), 132–35. According to Stanley, this meeting was held in October, with at least one session in Chen Duxiu’s house; if so, then the socialist alliances would have been established before this meeting.

[373] Dirlik, Origins, chap. 9. Also see the reprint of Laodongzhe (Laborers) of the Guangzhou anarchists, in whose publication Liu Shixin, Liang Bingxian, Ou Shengbai, and Huang Lingshuang all collaborated. (Guangzhou: Guangdong renmin chubanshe, 1984). The editor, Sha Dongxun, offers a useful summary of the circumstances of the journal’s publication (125–35), as well as materials related to the journal.

[374] Huang Lingshuang, Letter.

[375] For further details, see Dirlik, Origins, 217–34. Chen’s essay was entitled Tan zhengzhi. Version used here is from Duxiu wencun (Collection of works by Chen Duxiu), 2 vols. (Shanghai, 1922), vol. 1.

[376] Duxiu wencun 1:546, 556.

[377] For this exchange, see Shehui zhuyi taolun ji (Collection of discussions on socialism) (Shanghai: Xin qingnianshe, 1922), 30–31.

[378] Gongchandang, no. 1 (7 November 1920): 1.

[379] Gongchandang, no. 5 (7 June 1921): 11, 17.

[380] Gongchandang, no. 4 (7 May 1921): 1415. Also see, Shehui gemingde shangjue (Considerations on social revolution), in no. 2 (7 December 1920): 5.

[381] Ibid.

[382] Gongchandang, no. 5:16.

[383] Gongchandang, no. 4:23–30, and no. 5:3–9.

[384] Douqu zhengquan, 57.

[385] Gongchandang, no. 5:18–20.

[386] Shehui gemingde shangjue, Gongchandang, no. 2:8–9.

[387] Shehui zhuyi taolun ji, 90.

[388] This debate was originally conducted in the Xin qingnian and the anarchist periodical Minsheng. It was reprinted in Shehui zhuyi taolun ji, 97–154. Ou’s response, 97–101.

[389] Ibid., 102–8. See 147 for the statement on Stirner and Kropotkin.

[390] Ibid., 149–51.

[391] Women weishemma zhuzhang gongchan zhuyi, 26.

[392] Saltman, Social and Political Thought of Michael Bakunin (Westport, Conn., 1983), 5.

[393] Karl Marx, The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte, in Karl Marx and F. Engels, Selected Works (Moscow: Progress Publishers, 1973) 1:398.

[394] Shehui zhuyi taolun ji, 139.

[395] Ibid., 155.

[396] Paul Avrich, The Russian Anarchists (New York: Norton, 1978), 39–40.

[397] Huang, Letter, 110–11.

[398] Bi, Wo xinyang wuzhengfu zhuyi, WZFZYSX 2:1025–26.

[399] Qin Baopu, A Memoir of My Meeting Ms. Goldman in Russia in My Early Days (original Chinese), Letter to Prof. Lu Zhe (1987?). I am grateful to Candace Falk, editor, The Emma Goldman Papers, University of California at Berkeley, for sharing this letter, as well as other materials on Goldman’s relationships with Chinese anarchists.

[400] For a more detailed discussion of these polemics, see Dirlik, Origins, chap. 10.

[401] Huang, Letter, 110. Bi also heard this in person from Mme Kropotkin. Wo xinyang wuzhengfu zhuyi, 10–25.

[402] Fandui anbu xishou xuanyan (Declaration opposing anarchist-Bolshevik cooperation), Xuehui (Sea of learning), no. 109 (5 February 1923). See reprint in Wuzhengfu zhuyi sixiang ziliao xuan (WZFZYSX), ed. Ge Maochun et al. (Beijing: Beijing daxue chubanshe, 1983) 2:665.

[403] Ou, Da Chen Duxiu junde yiwen (Answering Mr. Chen Duxiu’s doubts), Xuehai, (February 1923). See reprint in WZFZYSX 2:658.

[404] Li Feigan (Bajin), Zailun wuchan jieji zhuanzheng (Another discussion of the dictatorship of the proletariat), Xuedeng (Light of learning), no. 17 (1925): 1.

[405] Wuzhengfu gongchanpai yu jichan paizhi qidian (Differences between anarchocommunists and collectivists), Minsbeng (People’s voice), no. 30 (March 1921), in WZFZYSX 2:565–66.

[406] Huang, Letter, p. 113.

[407] Iguo gongchan zhuyi shibaizhi yuanyin jiqi buqiude fangfa (The failure of Communism in Russia and the way to salvage it), Gongyu (After work), September 1922. See WZFZYSX 2:598.

[408] Jianbo, Lun wuchan jieji zhuanzheng (On the dictatorship of the proletariat), Xuedeng, nos. 2022 (1924). See no. 20:1. See also Li, Zailun wuchan jieji.

[409] Jianbo, Lun wuchan jieji zhuanzheng; Baopu, Makesi zhuyi piping (Critique of Marxism), Xuedeng, no. 19 (1924).

[410] Ou, Da Chen Duxiu, 663; Sanbo, Iguo gongchan zhuyi, WZFZYSX 2:599.

[411] Baopu, Xin jingji zhengce (New economic policy), Xuedeng (January-February 1924), in WZFZYSX 2:854–59.

[412] Huang, Letter, 112; Sanbo, Iguo gongchan zhuyi, 596–97.

[413] The following discussion is based on a long essay by Lu Zhi, Makesi zhuyi piping (Critique of Marxism), a combination restatement and translation of Cherkezov’s work. Lu says in his postscript that the essay was first published in Minzbong. The version used here is from part 5 (Makesi zhuyidi pochan [Bankruptcy of Marxism]) of Ziyou congshu (Compendium on freedom), 151228. This was a valuable collection of anarchist writings from the twenties (mostly translations) published in 1928 by the Equality Society (Pingshe) in San Francisco. The Compendium was first published in Shanghai by the Freedom Bookstore (Ziyou shudian) in 1927.

[414] Tianxin (Shen Zhongjiu), Gao gongchandangde qingnian (To Communist youth), Minzhong (People’s tocsin) 2, no. 3 (25 March 1927): 205–22.

[415] Mao Yibo, Makesizhi ziben jizhong de miushuo (The erroneousness of Marx’s concentration of capital), Xuedeng (12 December 1925).

[416] Jieji zhanzheng he pingmin zhuanzheng guoshi yongyu shehui geming ma? (Are class war and dictatorship of the common people of use in social revolution?), Minsheng, no. 13 (July 1921), in WZFZYSX 2:587–90. A good discussion of the difficulties of class analysis was offered by Bibo (Bi Xiushao), Jieji douzheng (Class struggle), Geming zhoubao (Revolution weekly), no. 18 (1927): 244–49.

[417] Ou, Da Chen Duxiu, 662–63. Other prominent proponents of class struggle were Liang Bingxian and the Sichuan anarchists Lu Jianbo and Mao Yibo.

[418] Lu, Makesi zhuyi piping, 194203.

[419] Fakan ci (Opening statement), Geming zhoubao, no. 1 (July 1927): 13. Shen was the editor and, according to Bi Xiushao, wrote this statement. He had earlier opposed alliance with the Guomindang.

[420] Fangwen Fan Tianjun xianshengde jilu (Record of a visit with Mr. Fan Tianjun), WZFZYSX 2:1043.

[421] Feigan (Bajin), Aiguo zhuyi yu Zhongguoren dao xingfude lu (Patriotism and the Chinese path to happiness), jingqun (Warning to the masses), no. 1 (1 September 1921), in WZFZYSX 2:541–43; (Wei) Huilin, Shehui geming yu guomin geming (Social revolution and national revolution), Minzhong 2, no. 1 (January 1927): 1121; Tianxin (Shen Zhongjiu), Gao guojia zhuyizhe (To nationalists), Minzbong 2, no. 2 (February 1927): 100–5.

[422] Zhen Tian yu Faguo wuzhengfu zhuyizhe Gelafude tongxin (Zhen Tian’s [Bi Xiushao’s] correspondence with the French anarchist Grave), Minzbong 2, nos. 45 (May 1927), in WZFZYSX 2:729–34.

[423] Yibo (Mao Yibo), Ping Chen Duxiu xianshengde jiangyan lu (Critique of Mr. Chen Duxiu’s collection of speeches), Xuedeng, no. 20 (November 1924).

[424] Hudson Collection (The Hoover Institution), Package 6, part 2.

[425] Guangzhou zhenshe xuanyan (The declaration of Guangzhou Reality Society), Chunlei, no. 1 (10 October 1923): 4.

[426] Junshe xuanyan (Declaration of Equality Society), Banyue, no. 21 (1 January 1921), in WZFZYSX 2:535.

[427] Bibo (Bi Xiushao), Women shishei? (Who are we?), Geming zhoubao, nos. 1618 (1927). See no. 16:172.

[428] Zhihui (Wu Zhihui), Jinian Shifu xiansheng (Remembering Mr. Shifu), Minzhong 2, no. 3 (March 1927): 162.

[429] Sanmu (Li Shaoling), Wuzhengfu zhuyi yanjiu (Examination of anarchism), Chunlei, no. 2 (10 December 1923): 34.

[430] Baopu, Wuzhengfudang geming fanglue (Strategy of anarchist revolution), in Ziyou congshu, part 3 (gemingzhi lu [the path of revolution]), 359–60.

[431] (Mao) Yibo, Geming zhongzhi zhishi jieji yu wuchan jieji (Intellectual and proletarian classes in the revolution), Minfeng (People’s vanguard) 2, no. 1 (13 February 1927), in WZFZYSX 2:795–97. Mao, with the Sichuan anarchists Lu Jianbo, his spouse, Deng Tianyu, and Fan Tianjun from Guangzhou, was among the leaders of the Young Anarchist Federation, which represented the anarchist Left in the late twenties.

[432] Xintian (Shen Zhongjiu), Duiyu kai dahuide yijian (Views on a national congress), Ziyou ern (Free people), no. 3 (May 1924), in WZFZYSX 2:758–61.

[433] Ou Shengbai, Zhongguo muqiande zhengzhi wenti ruhe jiejue, Minzhong 1, no. 5 (10 July 1923), in WZFZYSX 2:635–36.

[434] Jieji zhanzheng he pingmin zhuanzheng, 590.

[435] Wuzhengru gongchandang Shanghaibu xuanyan, Ziyou ern, no. 3 (May 1924), in WZFZYSX 2:753.

[436] Kosugi Shuji, Shanghai koodan rengookai to Shanghai no roodoo undoo (The Federation of Shanghai Syndicates and the Shanghai labor movement), Rekishigaku Kenkyu (Historical studies), no. 392 (January 1973): 18–19.

[437] For the federation, see Jean Chesneaux, The Chinese Labor Movement, 19191927 (Stanford, 1968), 223–27, 252–59, as well as Kosugi.

[438] Daneng, Xiangcun yundong tan (On the agrarian movement), Chunlei, no. 2 (10 December 1923), 2.

[439] Jing, Zuian, in Xinhai geming ziliao leipian, 145, 147.

[440] Nongcun yundong tongmeng guiyue caoan, Xuehui, no. 236 (29 June 1923), in WZFZYSX 2:673–74.

[441] Huang, Letter, 118; Jianhun, Bagong yu jugeng (Strikes and seizing land), Minzhong 1, no. 5 (10 July 1923), in WZFZYSX 2:632–33.

[442] Shaanbei nongshe yundongde xuanyan (Declaration of the village commune movement in northern Shaanxi), Chunlei, no. 1 (10 October 1923): 142.

[443] Sanmu (Li Shaoling), Mintuan geming (Revolution of people’s militia), Minzhong, 1, no. 12 (July 1925), in WZFZYSX 2:709–10.

[444] Fangwen Fan Tianjun, 1040–41, 1045 (n.53 above).

[445] Liu Shixin, Guanyu wuzhengfu zhuyi, 937, gives a brief account of these methods.

[446] Tongzhi xiaoxi, Jingzhi, no. 1 (1924).

[447] Linyi, Sinian qian Zhongguode laodong daxue (The Chinese Labor University of four years ago), Geming zhoubao, nos. 2930 (December 1927). See no. 29:286.

[448] Daneng, Xiangcun yundong tan, 45.

[449] Shaanbei nongshe yundongde xuanyan, 142.

[450] (Liang) Bingxian, Gemingde gongtuan (Revolutionary syndicates), Minzhong, 1, no. 7 (10 March 1924), in WZFZYSX 2:701–4.

[451] See the stages of revolution Li Shaoling outlines in Mintuan geming, 707–10.

[452] Zheng Tie (Bi Xiushao), Zhong women zijide yuandi (Cultivating our own garden), Minzhong, 2, no. 2 (February 1927): 8183.

[453] Bi, Wo xinyang wuzhengfu zhuyi, WZFZYSX 2:1030–31.

[454] Huang Yibo, Wuzhengfu zhuyizhe zai Guangzhou, 514. See chap. 1, n. 13.

[455] Si (Wang Siweng), Hewei er xinyang wuzhengfu gongchan zhuyi (What are anarcho-communist beliefs), Chunlei, no. 1 (10 October 1923): 519. Those arguments also distinguished the anarchists from antipolitical social conservatives, on the one hand, and individual-oriented libertarians, on the other hand.

[456] Peter Kropotkin, Revolutionary Pamphlets, ed. Roger N. Baldwin (New York, 1968), 117.

[457] Zheng, Wuzhengfu zhuyi, 199.

[458] See, for example, Xiao Shuyu, Womende guomin geming yu Wu Zhihui xianshengde quanmin geming (Our national revolution and Mr. Wu Zhihui’s revolution of all the people), in Quanmin geming yu guomin geming (Revolution of all the people and the national revolution), ed. Tao Qiqing (Shanghai: Guangming shuju, 1929), 17. For an anarchist’s acknowledgment of such charges, see Ping, Sici huiyide jieguo (The results of the fourth plenary session), Geming (Revolution), no. 56 (September 1928): 189–92.

[459] Sima Xiandao, Beifa houzhi gepai sichao (Currents of thought after the Northern Expedition) (Beiping, 1930), chap. 3.

[460] Letter appended to Wu Zhihui’s response. See Wu, Zhi Hua Lin shu (Letter to Hua Lin), in Wu Zhihui quanji (Collected works of Wu Zhihui) (Shanghai: Qunzhong tushu gongsi, 1927), vol. 3, sec. 7, 24–35.

[461] According to Bi Xiushao, when he began to cooperate with the Guomindang, Bajin cut off relations with him. See Bi, Wo xinyang wuzhengfu zhuyide qianqian houhou (Account of my anarchist beliefs), in Wuzhengfu zhuyi sixiang ziliao xuan (Selections on anarchist thought [WZFZYSX]), ed. Ge Maochun et al., 2 vols. (Bejing: Beijing University Press, 1984) 2:10, 22–38.

[462] Editorial, Minzhong (People’s tocsin) 2, no. 3 (March 1925).

[463] Wu Zhihui hinted in his letter to Hua Lin that Li Shizeng had earlier been critical of the political involvement of his fellow anarchists. See Zhi Hua Lin shu, 32.

[464] Yibo, Ping Chen Duxiu xianshengde jiangyanlu (Critique of Mr. Chen Duxiu’s collection of speeches), Xuedeng (Light of learning), no. 20 (November 1924).

[465] Li Shizeng and Chu Minyi, Geming (Revolution) (Paris: Xin shiji congshu, 1907).

[466] Richard Tze-yang Wang, Wu Chih-hui: An Intellectual and Political Biography (Ph.D. dis., University of Virginia, 1976), 233.

[467] Xin Ai (Shen Zhongjiu), Wuzhengfu zhuyizhe keyi jiaru Guomindang ma? (Can anarchists join the Guomindang?), Ziyou ern (Free people), no. 5 (July 1924), in WZFZYSX 2:771–89.

[468] Ibid., 787.

[469] Ibid., 786.

[470] (Wei) Huilin, Shehui geming yu guomin geming (Social revolution and national revolution), Minzhong 2, no. 1 (January 1927): 11–21.

[471] For this exchange, see Zhen Tian yu Faguo wuzhengfu zhuyizhe Gelafude tongxin (Zhen Tian [Bi Xiushao]‘s correspondence with the French anarchist Grave), Minzhong 2, nos. 45 (May 1927), in WZFZYSX 2:729–34.

[472] Junyi (Wu Kegang), contribution to symposium, Wuzhengfu zhuyi yu shiji wenti (Anarchism and the question of practice), in WZFZYSX 2:826–49, p. 848.

[473] Liu Shixin, Guanyu wuzhengfu zhuyi huodongde diandi huiyi (Remembering bits and pieces of anarchist activity), in WZFZYSX 2:926–39.

[474] Ibid.

[475] See, for example, Xin Tian (Shen Zhongjiu), Gao Gongchandangde qingnian (To Communist youth), Minzhong 2, no. 3 (March 1927): 205–22.

[476] Jiang Jun, Lu Jianbo xiansheng zaoniande wuzhengfu zhuyi xuanquan huodong jishi (An account of Mr. Lu Jianbo’s anarchist activities in his youth), in WZFZYSX 2:1009–22.

[477] Wuzhengfu zhuyi yu shiji wenti, 833–34.

[478] Ibid., 848.

[479] Bi Xiushao, Wo xinyang wuzhengfu zhuyi, 1029–31.

[480] Fangwen Fan Tianjun xianshengde jilu (Record of a visit with Mr. Fan Tianjun), in WZFZYSX 2:1043.

[481] For the quotation, see Lu Han, Zhongguo qingong jianxue chuyide taolun (Discussion of a humble opinion on China’s diligent-work frugal-study), Geming, 9899 (June 1929): 272. Historians have usually misread the nature of Labor University. William Duiker views it as an outcome of Cai Yuanpei’s liberalism (see Ts’ai Yuan-p’ei: Educator of Modern China, 89). Historians tend to co-opt anarchism for liberalism because they confound liberalness and liberalism. Yeh Wen-hsing describes Labor University as a tame experiment (The Alienated Academy: Higher Education in Republican China, Ph.D. dis., University of California, 1984). The only work I know that captures the radical anarchist intentions of Labor University (and the only study devoted to its examination) is Chen Mingqiu (Ming K. Chan), Zhishi yu laodong jiehe zhi jiaoyu shiyan (An educational experiment to combine learning and labor), in Zhongguo yu Xianggang gongyun zongheng (Dimensions of the Chinese and Hong Kong labor movement), ed. Ming K. Chan (Hong Kong, 1986), 6177. For further discussion of the ideological underpinnings of Labor University, see chapter 3 in Ming K. Chan and Arif Dirlik, Schools into Fields and Factories: Anarchism, the Guomindang, and the Labor University in Shanghai, 1927–1932 (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 1991).

[482] Ming K. Chan, Zhishi yu laodong, 7173, for the organization of Labor University.

[483] Gong Ming, Geming yu shehuixue (Revolution and sociology), Geming, no. 33 (March 1928). Government regulations required a minimum of three colleges for an institution of higher education to qualify as a university.

[484] Ming K. Chan, Zhishi yu laodong, 74.

[485] See the essays compiled in Laodong luncong (Laodong essays) (Shanghai: Laodong daxue, 1929).

[486] For the complete speech, see Ming K. Chan, Zhishi yu laodong, 67–71; this sec. 6970.

[487] Bi Bo (Bi Xiushao), Laodong daxuede mudi yu shiming (The goal and mission of Labor University), Geming, no. 9 (August 1927): 264–68.

[488] Bi Xiushao, Wo xinyang wuzhengfu zhuyi, 10–32.

[489] Cai Yucong, Zhongguo shehuixue fazhan shi shangde sige shiqi (Four periods in the development of Chinese sociology), Shehui xuekan (Sociology journal) 2, no. 3 (April 1933).

[490] Kuang may have played an instrumental role in the creation of Labor University, and a college he had been operating in Shanghai may have provided an immediate model for it. For further discussion, see Chan and Dirlik, Fields and Factories, chap. 2.

[491] Jiang Jun, Lu Jianbo xiansheng, 1016, 1018–19, for these activities.

[492] Zhao Zhenpeng, Laodong daxuede huiyi (Recollections of Labor University), Zhuanji wenxue (Biographical literature) 37, no. 4 (October 1980): 57–60.

[493] For this information, see ibid., 58. The Hangzhou survey was published in a special issue of Laoda yuekan (Laodong University monthly) 1, no. 7 (October 1930).

[494] Lu Han, Zhongguo qingong jianxue. Lu complained bitterly about the bureaucratization of the university as well as the unwillingness of the students to labor. Peasants and workers were too poor to attend, he charged, and most of the students at the university were radical intellectuals hoping to escape political terror.

[495] Ming K. Chan, Zhishi yu laodong, 74.

[496] Zhao Zhenpeng, Laodong daxuede huiyi, 58, for the problems with American-educated educators. Duiker gives an overview of Guomindang efforts to bring the educational system under its control (Ts’ai Yuan-p’ei, 8991).

[497] Lin Yi, Sinian qian Zhongguode laodong daxue (The Chinese Labor University of four years ago), Geming, nos. 2930 (December 1927): 285–88, 305–8.

[498] Fakan ci (Opening statement), Geming, no. 1 (July 1927). According to Bi Xiushao, this editorial was written by Shen Zhongjiu, the editor of the journal for its first five issues (thereafter Bi himself assumed the editorship). See Wo xinyang wuzhengfu zhuyi, 1030–31.

[499] For these statements, see Sun’s second lecture on people’s livelihood in Guofu quanshu (Complete works of Sun Yat-sen) (Taibei; National Defense Research Center, 1970), 264–71.

[500] Li did not use the words, but the journal he sponsored, Geming, stated this to be its goal. See Fakan ci, where the journal’s goal was stated to be the defense of the sacred term revolution (shenshengde geming mingci). By the mid-twenties the word revolution had such prestige that all groups wanted to claim it. The Guomindang itself suppressed revolution in the name of revolution. For a critical discussion of this tendency, see Hu Hua, Shehui mingci shiyide xiezi (Preface to the explanation of social terminology), Geming, no. 28 (December 1927).

[501] The version used here is the reprint in Lang Xingshi, ed., Geming yu fangeming (Revolution and counterrevolution) (Shanghai: Minzhi shuju, 1928), 1–19.

[502] Ibid., 1.

[503] Ibid., 23.

[504] Ibid., 9.

[505] P. J. Proudhon, The Principle of Federation, tr. Richard Vernon (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1979). An added attraction might have been that Proudhon saw in federation not just an answer to tyranny but, pointing to mass agitation in France, also a way to save the people from their own folly (62).

[506] Xianjin gemingzhi yiyi, 19.

[507] Geming, no. 24 (December 1927):97–101.

[508] Robert A. Scalapino and G. T. Yu, The Chinese Anarchist Movement (Berkeley: Center for Chinese Studies, 1961), 33.

[509] Xianjin gemingzhi yiyi, 6. It is noteworthy that Li also identified Proudhon’s attitude toward revolution as a revolution of all the people.

[510] Li Shizeng, Jiquan yu junquan (Centralization and the equal distribution of sovereignty), Geming, no. 61 (September 1928): 3.

[511] For the sources of these comments, see Li Shizeng, Fenzhi hezuo wenti (The question of divided-governance cooperation), Geming, nos. 3132, 36 (FebruaryMarch, 1928); Han Naan, Shehui sixiang shi shangdi liangda zhengzhi sichao (Two great currents in the history of social thought), Geming, no. 37 (March 1928); Han Naan, Fenzhi hezuo yu Zhongguo (Divided-governance cooperation and China), Geming, no. 66 (October 1928); Xiu Ping, Fenzhi hezuo yu zhuanzheng jiquan (Divided-governance cooperation and despotic centralism), Geming, no. 35 (March 1928); and the citation in n. 56. These ideas were significant enough to provoke a prolonged controversy, which was published as Fenzhi hezuo wenti lunzhan (Controversy on divided-governance cooperation) and which I have been unable to locate.

[512] Li, Jinquan yu junquan, 35.

[513] Li, Fenzhi hezuo wenti. The version used here is from Geming yu fangeming, 2024. Li also acknowledged that the term fenzhi hezuo was originally Zhang Puquan’s (22).

[514] Li, Jinquan yu junquan, 56

[515] Ji Ying, Guanyu fenzhi hezuo (On divided-governance cooperation), Geming, no. 45 (June 1928): 136.

[516] Wu Zhihui, Shu Wang xiansheng zuijin yanlun hou (Response to Mr. Wang (Jingwei)‘s most recent speeches), in Tao Qiqing, ed., Quanmin geming yu guomin geming, 13.

[517] See Xiao Shuyu, Womende guomin geming yu Wu Zhihui xianshengde quanmin geming, in ibid., 17. The discussion here is based on the essays in Quanmin geming yu guomin geming.

[518] Bi, Laodong daxuede mudi yu shiming, 265–66.

[519] Bi Bo (Bi Xiushao), Women shi shei? (Who are we?), Geming, nos. 1618 (August 1927), for a comprehensive discussion of Bi’s ideas on revolution, and Jieji douzheng (Class struggle), Geming, no. 18, for his views on class struggle. Bi was the editor of the journal by this time. For an anarchist response to his views on class, see (Mao) Yibo, On Class Struggle, Geming, no. 21 (December 1927).

[520] Han Naan, Sizhiye gongchao yu Jiang Axingzhi si (The labor tide in the silk industry and the death of Jiang Axing), Geming, no. 43 (June 1928).

[521] Lu Han, Dadao Beijing yihou (After the taking of Beijing), Geming, no. 54 (September 1928); Yi Mo, Tuhao lieshenzhi yanjiu (Investigation of local despots and evil gentry), Geming, no. 106 (August 1929); Lu Han, Dangzhi xiade tuhao lieshen (The local despots and evil gentry under party rule), Geming, no. 108 (August 1929).

[522] Xu Sheng, Geming yu minzhong (Revolution and the masses), Geming, no. 56 (September 1928); Zhuang Xiang, Shei shi fandongzhe (Who are the counterrevolutionaries), Geming, no. 101 (June 1929); Shen, Geming shi weiminde bushi weidangde. (The revolution is for the people not the party), Geming, no. 52 (September 1928); San Yu, Zhengzhi geming yu shehui geming (Political revolution and social revolution), Geming, no. 53 (September 1928).

[523] Fanmende Chen Yuanshuang gei Wu Zhihui Li Shizeng xiansheng yifen gongkaide xin (An Open Letter to Messrs. Wu Zhihui and Li Shizeng from Melancholy Chen Yuanshuang), Geming, no. 55 (September 1928): 148–57.

[524] Benbao tongren (Members of the journal), Yu duzhe gaobie (Saying so long to readers), Geming, nos. 109110 (September 1929): 257–61

[525] See the 1928 anarchist manifesto cited by Xu Deheng as proof of an anarchist conspiracy to overthrow the Guomindang, Qingdang yu quwu yu? (Purging the party? or Getting rid of anarchists?), in Meng Ming, ed., Wu Zhihui Chen Gongbo bianlunji (Compilation of debate between Wu Zhihui and Chen Gongbo) (Shanghai: Fudan daxue, 1928), 5362. According to Xu, the manifesto issued from a group in Zhejiang that called itself the Black Youth Association (Heise qingnian zuhe) The manifesto advocated the overthrow of the Guomindang, the Communist party, the Nationalists (Youth party?) and the Research Clique, with armed force, using the power of the proletariat; proposed a social revolution to return factories to the workers and land to the peasants; and concluded with the lines, Long live anarcho-communism (5960). According to Xu, it was proof of the anarchist intention to take over the Guomindang (56). The group was probably associated with the Federation of Young Chinese Anarcho-communists (Zhongguo shaonian wuzhengfu gongchan zhuyizhe lianmeng, or Shaolian for short), a conspirational group established by the radical Sichuan anarchists around Lu Jianbo, who were active in Shanghai at this time. A journal that Lu had published earlier had been called Black Billows (Heilan). For the activities of this group, see Jiang Jun, Lu Jianbo xiansheng, 1015–19, and Fangwen Fan Tianjun xiansheng, 1041–45.

[526] Bi, Wo xinyang wuzhengfu zhuyi, 1034. In spite of Wu’s pro-Guomindang activities, he helped his fellow anarchists escape the police. Ibid., 10–33.

[527] Information for the Guomindang anarchists is available in works cited in the bibliography. For the Guangzhou anarchists, see Jin Zhongyan, Wo suozhide wuzhengfu zhuyizhe huodong pianduan (A brief account of what I knew of anarchist activities), Guangzhou wenshi ziliao (Historical and literary materials on Guangzhou), no. 1 (1962): 22, and Liu Shixin, Guanyu wuzhengfu zhuyi huodongde diandi huiyi (Remembering bits and pieces of anarchist activity), in Wuzhengfu zhuyi sixiang ziliao xuan (Selection of materials on anarchist thought), ed. Ge Maochun et al., 2 vols. (Beijing: Beijing daxue chubanshe, 1983), 2:929–39. For the Sichuan anarchists, see Jiang Jun, Lu Jianbo xiansheng zaoniande wuzhengfu zhuyi xuanchuan huodong jishi (An account of Mr. Lu Jianbo’s early anarchist activities), in WZFZYSX 2:10 09–22.

[528] For culturology, see Huang Wenshan, Wenhuaxue lunwen ji (Collected essays on culturology) (Guangzhou: Zhongguo wenhuaxue xuehui, 1938); for Kiaologie, see Li Shizeng, Qiaoxue fafan (Introduction to Kiaologie) (1942–43), in Li Shizeng xiansheng wenji (Collection of Mr. Li Shizeng’s essays) (Taibei: Zhongguo Guomindang dangshi weiyuanhui, 1980). Kiao (Qiao) is the word for emigre, the same word used in huaqiao, or overseas Chinese.

[529] Wang Yan, Wuzhengfu zhuyi yu shijieyu (Anarchism and Esperanto), in Guangzhou ivenshi ziliao, no. 1 (1962): 42. Esperanto schools may have been a means in the 1930s (as earlier) for anarchists to survive and spread, although this is merely a surmise. According to the Communist educator (and product of the work-study movement) Xu Teli, who occupied a high post in the party propaganda apparatus during the Yan’an Period, Esperanto schools flourished in the thirties; he mentions schools in Wuxi, Shaoxing, Ningbo, Qingdao, Nantong, Taiyuan, Loyang, Xian, Kunming, Guilin, Hong Kongin other words, all around China. See Zhongguo shijieyu yundong jianshi (Brief history of the Chinese Esperanto movement) (1938), in Xu Teli wenji (Essays of Xu Teli) (Changsha;Hunan renmin chubanshe, 1980), 180–82.

[530] Liu Shixin, Guanyu Wuzhengfu zhuyi huodongde diandi huiyi, and Huang Yibo, Wuzhengfu zhuyizhe zai Guangzhou gao gonghui yundong huiyi (Recollections of anarchist union activities in Guangzhou), in Guangzhou wenshi ziliao, no. 1 (1962): 115, especially 57.

[531] Jingzhe, 1938. For information on this journal and its background, see Lu Jianbo xiansheng zaoniande wuzhengfu zhuyi xuanchuan huodong jishi, 1020–21. I am grateful to Julia Tong of the Hoover Institution East Asia library for locating this periodical.

[532] See, for example, Mo Jipeng, A Memoir of Shi Fu. Unpublished ms. Huang Lingshuang, who it is rumored spent the later years of his life in Los Angeles, went beyond other anarchists that I know of in turning to the more esoteric currents in Chinese philosophy, such as the Yijing (Book of Changes).

[533] I refer to literature smuggled into China, usually in foreigners’ mail. I have a few samples, but so far as I know, no one has undertaken systematic study of this literature.

[534] For an extensive discussion, see John B. Starr, Revolution in Retrospect: The Paris Commune Through Chinese Eyes, China Quarterly, no. 49 (January-March 1972): 106–25; and Maurice Meisner, The Chinese Communists and the French Revolution: From la commune insurrectionelle (1792–94) to China’s People’s Communes, unpublished paper presented at the annual meeting of the American Historical Association (December 2730, 1989).

[535] Whither China? in Harold C. Hinton, The People’s Republic of China, 19491979: A Documentary Survey (Wilmington, Del.: Scholarly Resources, 1980), 4:18–54.

[536] For an example, see The Reactionary Nature of the Theory of Many Centers,Liberation Daily (Shanghai, 14 August 1968). In Hinton, People’s Republic 4:21 58–59.

[537] John Welsh, Shen-wu-lien (sic): China’s Anarchist Opposition, Social Anarchism 2,no.1 (1981): 315.

[538] In response to the Shanghai Commune (and later advocacies of communal organization), Mao supported an alternative organizational form, the Revolutionary Committee, which also emerged in early 1967 and represented a three-in-one combination of masses, the military and the party, thus opening the way to the restoration of party power (and also bringing the revolution under military control).

[539] Meisner has argued this in a number of publications, most prominently in Li Tachao and the Origins of Chinese Marxism (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1967).

[540] Mao Zedong, Chairman Mao Speaks to the People, ed. Stuart Schram (New York: Pantheon, 1974), 278.

[541] Chang Kuo-t’ao, The Rise of the Chinese Communist Party, 19211927 (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 1971), 5051.

[542] See Qingong jianxue biandi huakai (Diligent-work frugal-study is flowering everywhere) (Shanghai, 1958), and Qingong jianxue gaibianle xuexiaode mianmao (Diligent-work frugal-study has transformed schools’ visages) (Shanghai, 1958). These were published by different district committees of the Communist party in Shanghai. For an explanation of the Party Work Conference decisions, see Lu Ting-yi, Education Must Be Combined with Productive Labor (Peking: Foreign Languages Press, 1958).

[543] Xu Teli, Laoli yu laoxin bingjin, shou he nao bingyong, in Xu Teli wenji, 585–87. Xu here presented diligent-work frugal-study as an ancient Chinese idea going back to the Han dynasty. He Changgong’s Qingong jianxue shenghuo huiyi (Reminiscences of diligent-work frugal-study life) (Beijing: Gongren chubanshe, 1958), one of the most elaborate memoirs of the movement, is an example of the publications I refer to. These publications, and the role French-educated party leaders involved in educational work, such as Xu Teli and Wu Yuzhang, played in the movements of the late 1950s and the 1960s might yield fruitful insights into the ideological developments of the time, which have, too simplistically I think, been identified with Mao and a few other major political leaders.

[544] Gongchan zhuyi laodong daxue (Nanchang: Jiangxi jiaoyu chubanshe, 1960).

[545] Quanguo zhongxiaoxue qingong jianxue jingyan xuanpian (Experiences with diligent-work frugal-study in elementary and middle schools around the country) (Beijing: Jiaoyu kexue chubanshe, 1982).

[546] South China Morning Post report on work conference on democracy, 18 December 1989.

[547] Lu Ting-yi, Education, 20, 17. Lu claimed that the movement had spread from the countryside to the city (1) and included the establishment by factories of schools and the setting up of schools by factories (20). He referred to the Communist Manifesto program for establishing socialism, and noted that while the first eight points had been accomplished already, two remained: the combination of agriculture with manufacturing industries; the gradual abolition of the distinction between town and country’ and the combination of education with industrial production (23). He was willing to concede that the idea had initiated with utopian socialists (27).

[548] Quanguo zhongxiaoxue. See the message from the State Council, 27.

[549] Mary B. Rankin, Early Chinese Revolutionaries (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1971).

[550] See, for example, Michael Albert et al., Liberating Theory (Boston: South End Press, 1986).

[551] A concise but uncritical exposition of the idea of hegemony is to be found in Chantal Mouffe, Hegemony and Ideology in Gramsci, in Gramsci and Marxist Theory, ed. C. Mouffe (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1979).

[552] E. Malatesta, Anarchy (London: Freedom Press, 1984), 12.

[553] For an anarchist discussion focusing on problems of ecology, see Murray Bookchin, Toward an Ecological Society (Montreal and Buffalo: Black Rose Books, 1986). In response to the experience of existing socialist societies, Marxists and other socialists, too, have increasingly turned their attention to the problem of hegemony and quotidian culture. For two examples, which are particularly pertinent for their focus on the question of manual and mental labor, see Alfred Sohn-Rethel, Intellectual and Manual Labor: A Critique of Epistemology (Atlantic Highlands, N.J.: Humanities Press, 1983), and Stanley Aronowitz, Science as Power: Discourse and Ideology in Modern Society (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1988).

[554] Maurice Meisner, The Wrong March: China Chooses Stalin’s Way, Progressive (October 1986), 2630. Meisner discusses this problem more extensively in his essays in Maoism, Marxism, Utopianism (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1982), especially The Ritualization of Utopia.