Bibliographical Essay

GENERAL WORKS

It would be difficult to gain an understanding of the revolutions discussed in this book without placing them in the general context of nineteenth-century European history. The range of historical works covering this immensely important period, of course, is enormous, but several general histories are exceptional. The latter half of R. R. Palmer and Joel Colton’s A History of the Modem World (New York: Alfred A Knopf, 1965) and particularly David Thomson’s Europe Since Napoleon, 2^nd edn revised (New York McGraw-Hill, 1982), are invaluable sources for the social environment in which the classical nineteenth-century revolutions occurred. An excellent overall history of the first half of the century is William L. Langer’s Political and Social Upheaval, 18321852 (New York: Harper & Row, 1969), in the Rise of Modem Europe series.

Among the economic histories, few equaled Ernest L. Bogart’s Economic History of Europe, 1760–1939 (London and New York: Longmans, Green, 1942), with its wealth of information about the nineteenth century. Fernand Braudel’s Capitalism and Material Life, MOO-1800 (New York: Harper & Row, 1973) provides a valuable historical background to the conditions that led to the Industrial Revolution. The classic work on the development of the industrial economy is Arnold Toynbee’s The Industrial Revolution (Boston: Beacon Press, 1956, originally published in 1914), which was actually based on the notes of students and friends who attended his lectures between 1880 and 1881. This small book managed to raise most of the important issues that stemmed from the Industrial Revolution and, more than a century after the original lectures, is still rewarding reading. Alan S. Milward and S. B. Saul’s The Economic Development of Continental Europe, 1780–1870 (London: George Allen & Unwin, 1973) is to be recommended, as are J. L. Hammond and Barbara Hammond’s somewhat dated but still eminendy informative and readable The Rise of Modem Industry (New York: Harper & Row, 1969, originally published in 1925) and their The Town Laborer (New York: Anchor Books, 1968). Eminendy readable and useful as a corrective for accounts that overemphasize the extent of the Industrial Revolution in the nineteenth century, focusing instead on the persistence of precapitalist agrarian lifeways and feudal and aristocratic institutions during the century prior to the First World War, is Amo J. Mayer’s The Persistence of the Old Regime (New York: Pantheon, 1981).

Many original documents that I have cited were drawn from document collections, of which the most notable are Revolution from 1789 to 1906, well selected and edited by Raymond Postgate (New York: Harper & Row, 1962); Socialist Thought: A Documentary History, edited by Albert Fried and Ronald Sanders (New York: Doubleday, 1964); and the Documents of Revolution series, published by Thames and Hudson in Great Britain and Cornell University Press in the United States.

Nothing in English equals G.D.H. Cole’s superb six-volume A History of Socialist Thought (London: Macmillan; New York: St. Martin’s Press, 19531960), a truly outstanding treatment of socialistic thinkers. Max Beer’s two- volume work of The General History of Socialism and Social Struggles (New York: Russell & Russell, 1957) is a highly readable contribution to the history of socialism and revolutionary uprisings from earliest times in the West to the early twentieth century. As a one-volume history of various socialisms, Harry W. Laidler’s History of Socialism (New York: Thomas Y. Crowell, 1968) is a very readable, highly accurate, and a generally outstanding achievement. One of the most elegant and insightful studies of socialism and anarchism is George Lichtheim’s The Origins of Socialism (New York: Frederick A. Praeger, 1969); although it is essentially an interpretation of Cole’s six-volume work, Lichtheim’s perspective is provocative. Wolfgang Abendroth’s A Short History of the European Working Class (New York and London: Monthly Review Press, 1972) is a synoptic overview of the workers’ movement from 1848 to the Second World War, while James H. Billington’s Fire in the Minds of Men (New York: Basic Books, 1980) is a rather frantic and scattered compilation of important data as well as gossip about revolutionaries and revolutionary movements, from which the reader will leam such esoterica as the origins of the “Marseillaise” and the “Internationale” as well as key movements such as the Society of the Seasons. Although some of its facts are arguable, it is still a mine of information as well as rapid-fire accounts of events and ideas. Although Alexander Gray’s The Socialist Tradition: Moses to Lenin (New York: Harper & Row, 1968) is informative, the author so patendy hates his subject that he tends to alienate the reader and render his account inaccessible to all but outright antisocialists.

So much does the span of Louis-Auguste Blanqui’s life cover the nineteenth century that his biographies—alas, still loo few in number—can be cited under the heading of “general reading.” His most devoted and informed biographer was Maurice Dommanget, whose several books on Blanqui are available in French. 1 have found most useful for my purposes his Auguste Blanqui: Des Origines a la revolution de 1848: Premiers combats et premieres prisons (Paris and Le Haye: Mouton, 1969). The earliest English-language biography of Blanqui seems to be Neil Stewart’s Blanqui (London: Victor Gollancz, 1939), a highly dramatized account with a number of doubdul facts, but an entertaining Marxist interpretation of the great revolutionary. Less tendentious and more accurate is Samuel Bernstein’s Auguste Blanqui and the Art of Insurrection (London: Lawrence & Wishart, 1971). Finally, Max Nomad gave a highly readable account of Blanqui’s life in Apostles of Revolution (New York: Collier Books, 1961). A very good exposition of Blanqui’s social ideas is Alan B. Spitzer’s The Revolutionary Theories of Louis Auguste Blanqui (New York: AMS Press, 1970), which also provides a limited amount of biographical material.

Biographies of other major thinkers and revolutionary leaders of the nineteenth century are invaluable as accounts of nineteenth-century social conditions and socialist ideas. To this day, I still regard Franz Mehring’s Karl Marx: The Story of His Life, translated by Edward Fitzgerald (New York: Coviti, Friede, 1935), as the best account of Marx’s life and thoughL It is based, in part, on personal interviews with some of Marx’s closest collaborators, and a portion of the book was written by Rosa Luxemburg. David McClellan’s Karl Marx: His Life and Thought (New York: Harper & Row, 1973) is more up to date but lacks the vividness and warmth that Mehring brought to his own endeavor.

Histories of anarchism are rather plentiful, but the most recent and comprehensive is Peter Marshall’s Demanding the Impossible: A History of Anarchism (London: HarperCollins, 1992). G.D.H. Cole has written extensively and sympathetically on nineteenth-century anarchism in Marxism and Anarchism, 1850–1890, the second volume of his History of Socialist Thought (London: Macmillan; New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1961). The original edition of George Woodcock’s Anarchism: A History of Libertarian Ideas and Movements (New York: World Publishing Co., 1962) treated anarchism as a ghost that offered social democrats useful notions and little more; its revision (Harmonds- worth: Penguin Books, 1986) was much needed. Daniel Guerin’s Anarchism (New York and London: Monthly Review, 1970) is a remarkably informative summary of anarchist history and ideas. Out of print at this writing, it is soon to be republished by AK. Press of San Francisco and Edinburgh.

A comprehensive English-language biography of Mikhail Bakunin has yet to be written. Although E. H. Carr’s Michael Bakunin (New York: Alfred A Knopf, 1938) has been often cited as the “authoritative” account of Bakunin’s life, it is so hostile and even intemperate that it deserves the neglect it is currendy receiving. More useful and sympathetic biographies include Brian Morris’s Bakunin: The Philosophy of Freedom (Montreal and New York: Black Rose Books, 1993) and Richard B. Saltman’s The Social and Political Thought of Michael Bakunin (London and Westport: Greenwood, 1983). The best selection of Bakunin’s writings is Michael Bakunin: Selected Writings, translated by Steven Cox and Olive Stevens and edited and introduced by Arthur Lehning (New York: Grove Press, 1973). Lehning was the editor of the Bakunin Archives at the International Institute for Social History in Amsterdam. The most comprehensive collection of Bakunin’s writings in English is G. P. Maximoff s The Political Philosophy of Bakunin (New York: Free Press, 1953), a tour de force of careful selection of excerpts from Bakunin’s writings, organized by subject matter. Bakunin on Anarchy, edited and translated by Sam Dolgoff (New York: Alfred A Knopf, 1972), contains many of Bakunin’s most important writings, but the editor, a committed anarchosyndicalist, tended to overemphasize this aspect of Bakunin’s thinking.

Pierre-Joseph Proudhon’s life and ideas have received reverential treatment from his admirers, especially Edward Hyams’s Pierre-Joseph Proudhon: His Revolutionary Life, Mind, and Works (London: John Murray, 1979) and George Woodcock’s Proudhon (New York: Black Rose Books, 1987). The best selection of his writings in English translation is Selected Writings of P.-J. Proudhon, translated by Elizabeth Fraser and edited by Stewart Edwards (New York: Doubleday, 1969). Only a few of Proudhon’s books are available in English; the most important ones are What is Property? (New York: Howard Fertig, 1966), General Idea of Revolution in the Nineteenth Century, translated by John Beverly Robinson (London: Pluto Press, 1989)—in my view, Proudhon’s most coherent expression of his ideas—and The Principle of Federation, translated and introduced by Richard Vernon (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1979). Robert Graham’s introduction to General Idea of Revolution generally gives a fair summary of Proudhon’s ideas.

PART V; ARTISANAL SOCIALISM

The best single account of the ideological transition from Jacobinism to socialism is G.D.H. Cole’s Socialist Thought: The Forerunners 1789–1850, the first volume of his History of Socialist Thought. The squalor and hardship that the Industrial Revolution inflicted on the British working class is superbly presented in Frederick Engels’s The Condition of the Working Class in England, in Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, Collected Works, vol. 4: Marx and Engels 1844–1845 (New York: International Publishers, 1975), pp. 295–596. This very important book, originally published in 1845, is ably revisited by Steven Marcus in Engels, Manchester, and the Working Class (New York: Vintage Books, 1974). Eric Hobsbawm’s The Age of Revolution, 1789–1848 (London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 1962) provides a very valuable comparative picture of the rise of capitalism and the working classes in Britain and France, as well as significant cultural changes in both countries. Hobsbawm’s Workers: Worlds of Labor (New York: Pantheon, 1984) is useful on the changing economic and social conditions that fostered artisanal socialism in Britain and France. E. P. Thompson’s The Making of the English Working Class (New York Vintage Books, 1963) is a masterpiece. One of the most responsible studies of the Luddites is Malcolm I. Thomas, The Luddites: Machine-Breaking in Regency England (New York: Schocken Books, 1972). A dramatic account of the Luddite movement appears in the first half of Kirkpatrick Sale’s Rebels Against the Future (New York: Addison Wesley, 1995), but the second half deteriorates into technophobia and appeals for deindustrialization. Dorothy Thompson’s The Chartists: Popular Politics in the Industrial Revolution (New York: Pantheon, 1984) is a masterful overview of the subject, and her collection of studies on Chartism, coedited with James Epstein, The Chartist Experience: Studies in Working-Class Radicalism and Culture 1830–60 (London: Macmillan, 1982) is a feast of literature on almost every aspect of Chartism. A city-by-city account will be found in Chartist Studies, edited by Asa Briggs (New York and London: Macmillan, 1959).

For economic development and working-class movements in France, William H. Sewell, Jr., Work and Revolution in France: The Language of Labor from the Old Regime to 1848 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1980) and Bernard H. Moss, The Origins of the French Labor Movement, 1830–1914: The Socialism of Skilled Workers (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1976) are both of immense value. They are filled with invaluable information and challenging analyzes, although each goes too far in reading contemporary notions of collectivism into the largely artisanal world of the nineteenth century.

Excellent essays on the formation of the French working class appear in Working-Class Formations: Nineteenth-Century Patterns in Western Europe and the United States, edited by Ira Katznelson and Aristide R. Zolberg (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1986). Tom Kemp’s Economic Forces in French History (London: Dennis Dobson, 1971) is a fine survey of the unique development of the French economy in the strategic period between the Great Revolution and the rise of Louis Napoleon. A valuable account of the interaction between French factory owners and proletarians is Peter N. Steams, Paths to Authority: The Middle Class and the Industrial Labor Force in France, 1820–48 (Chicago and London: University of Illinois Press, 1978). John Plamenatz’s The Revolutionary Movement in France (London: Longmans, Green, 1952) is a brief but insightful study of three great revolutions (1830, 1848, and the Commune of 1871), with good accounts of the events that led up to them. But perhaps the most remarkable comparison of French and British artisans, and their respective courses of development, is in Gwyn A Williams’s superbly written Artisans and Sans-Culottes (London: Edward A Arnold, 1986). George Rude’s The Crowd in History: A Study oj Popular Disturbances in France and England 1730–1848 (New York and London: John Wiley and Sons, 1964) is a classic account of insurrectionary crowds.

A good English-language account of the Babeuf conspiracy is David Thomson’s The Babeuf Plot: The Making of a Republican Legend (London: Kegan Paul, 1947), while Babeufs own voice can be heard in The Defense of Gracchus Babeuf, edited and translated by John Anthony Scott (New York: Schocken Books, 1975). Selections from the writings of early French socialists appear in Fried and Sanders’s Socialist Thought, and Frank E. Manuel’s excellent essays on Saint-Simon and Fourier have been collected in The Prophets of Paris (New York: Harper & Row, 1965). Cabet and his Icarian movement are explored in great detail by Christopher H. Johnson in Utopian Communism in France (London and Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1974). Louis Blanc’s ideas on artisanal socialism are expounded in his 1848: Historical Revelations (London: Chapman & Hall, 1858).

The two most outstanding accounts in English of the French Revolution of 1830 are Pamela Pilbeam’s The 1830 Revolution in France (New York: Sl Martin’s Press, 1991) and David H. Pinkney’s The French Revolution of 1830 (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1972). These works may be supplemented by the invaluable collection of studies, 1830 in France, edited and introduced by John M. Merriman (New York and London: Franklin Watts, 1973). The two major insurrections that exploded in the silk-weaving center of Lyon, in 1831 and 1834, are well detailed in Robert Bezucha’s The Lyon Uprising of 1834: Social and Political Conflict in the Early July Monarchy (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1974). Bezucha’s is one of the best accounts of artisanal socialism or assodationism in the literature. The great and tragic insurrectionary history of the Lyon working class is completed by Mary Lynn Steward-McDougall’s The Artisan Republic: Revolution, Reaction, and Resistance in Lyon, 1848–1851 (Kingston and Montreal: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 1984).

PART VI: THE BARRICADES OF PARIS

A major source for the first decade of the July Monarchy is Louis Blanc’s two- volume The History of Ten Years: 1830 to 1840 (London: Chapman & Hall, 1845), which deals with all aspects of French life under Louis-Philippe, including many important events to which Blanc was a witness. Some of the realistic novels of the period provide excellent contemporary glimpses of Parisian working-class life, especially Eugene Sue’s The Mysteries of Paris (New York: Hippocrene Books, n.d), and Victor Hugo’s Les Miserables, available in many editions. The social conditions of working-class Paris during this period are explored in considerable detail in Louis Chevalier’s Laboring Classes and Dangerous Class in Paris During the First Half of the Nineteenth Century, translated by Frank Jellinek (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1981).

The literature on the 1848 Revolution in France is considerable, but of immense importance are the reminiscences and historical accounts set down by participants and eyewitnesses. Writing under the pseudonym Daniel Stem, the Countess d’Agoult’s fine Histoire de la revolution de 1848 provides a wealth of description and dramatic detail by a perceptive and astute observer. This work, originally published in three volumes between 1850 and 1853 (Paris: Gustave Sandre) and subsequendy republished by other French houses, has been an invaluable source for nearly all later histories of the Revolution in Paris; lamentably, it has not been translated into English. Alexis de Tocqueville, another eyewitness to the Revolution, narrates the events in The Recollections of Alexis de Tocqueville, translated by Alexander Teixeira de Mattos (New York: Macmillan, 1896), providing rich personal characterizations as well as insighdul analyzes that reach many of the same conclusions as Marx, but from the other side of the barricades. Alphonse de Lamartine’s History of the French Revolution of 1848 (London: Bell & Daldy, 1871) is more a self-serving memoir, in which all events seem to center around himself and his cronies. Although it is sometimes factually unreliable, as revealed by cross-references with other sources, it vividly conveys the heated atmosphere of the time and recounts the desperate attempt by the Provisional Government to keep the workers out of power. By contrast, Louis Blanc’s 1848: Historical Revelations (London: Chapman & Hall, 1858), an indispensable account by a leading participant, appears to be marked by considerable honesty, as well as by hostility to radicals such as Blanqui.

Valuable documentary material on the 1848 Revolution is collected in 1848 in France, edited by Roger Price as part of the Documents in Revolution series (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1975) and Postgate’s Revolution from 1789 to 1906. A superb collection of monographic papers is Roger Price’s Revolution and Reaction: 1848 and the Second French Republic (London: Croom Helm, 1975), which includes studies on artisan unrest, the club movement, and the crushing of the democ-socs, as well Charles Tilly and Lynn H. Lees’s fascinating research into the occupations and background of the June insurgents.

One of the most thoughdul overviews of the 1848 Revolution is in Priscilla Robertson’s Revolutions of 1848: A Social History (New York: Harper & Row, 1952)—the section on the French events manages to say more in 100 pages and provide a better interpretation of the French events than other books of a much larger size. Georges Duveau’s 1848. The Making of a Revolution, translated by Anne Carter (New York: Random House, 1967), dramatically presents the Revoluuon from the standpoint of three socially different members of French society. Finally, Arnold Whitridge’s Men in Crisis: The Revolutions of 1848 (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1949) fleshes out the Revolution with biographical characterizations that are rich in political meaning.

The specialized accounts of aspects of the 1848 Revolution by recent scholars are fascinating in their political and social implications. Peter H. Amann’s Revolution and Mass Democracy: The Paris Club Movement in 1848 (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1975) is unmatched as a study of the popular working-class democracy that was created through the clubs, showing how the working and lower middle classes sustained remarkable networks of mass organizations that acted as a powerful impetus to the Revoluuon. Donald Cope McKay’s The National Workshops: A Study in the French Revolution of 1848 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1965) is an excellent study of the workshops and their employes in that strategic year. Mark Traugott’s Armies of the Poor: Determinants of Working-Class Participation in the Parisian Insurrection of June 1848 (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1985) focuses in detail on the June insurrection, with particular emphasis on the methods that the privileged classes used to recruit from within the working class itself the Mobile Guards and, to an extent, the National Workshops, counterrevolutionary forces that would be deployed against the June insurrection.

John M. Merriman’s The Agony of the Republic: The Repression of the Left in Revolutionary France, 1848–1851 (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1978) takes up the crushing of the democ-socs both within and outside of Paris in the aftermath of the June insurrection, while Ted W. Margadant’s French Peasants in Revolt: The Insurrection of 1851 (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1979) examines in detail the rural uprising that followed Bonaparte’s coup in the aftermath of 1848. David H. Pinkney’s account of Haussmann’s rebuilding of Paris during the Second Empire is outstanding; along with providing statistical material, Napoleon III and the Rebuilding of Paris (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1958) vividly depicts important features of Parisian city life during the first half of the century.

No understanding of the 1848 period is possible without consulting Karl Marx’s unequaled The Class Struggles in France, 1848 to 1850 and The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte, both of which are available in the Marx-Engels Selected Works (Moscow: Progress Publishers, 1969) and in the multivolumed Collected Works (New York: International Publishers, 1978 and 1979), volumes 10 and 11 respectively. The best critical exploration of Marx’s own ideas and activities during the German Revolution of 1848–49 is P. H. Noyes, Organization and Revolution: Working-Class Associations in the German Revolution oj 1848–1849 (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1966), which shows how Marx subordinated the workers’ movement in Cologne to that of the liberal bourgeoisie. The book also provides an indispensable background on the shift Marx and Engels made in their “Address of the Central Committee to the Communist League,” which is available in the first volume of the three- volume Selected Works and volume 10 of the Collected Works. Oscar J. Hammen has also written a highly readable account of the background to and activities of Marx and Engels in the German Revolution in The Red ’48ers (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1969).

English-language accounts of the International Workingmen’s Association (the First International) are more limited than those in French and German, but several of them give a good picture of its formation, congresses, and activities. The most comprehensive is G. M. Stekloffs History of the First International, translated from the Russian by Eden and Cedar Paul (London: Martin Lawrence, 1928). Unfortunately, Stekloff permitted his Marxist bias to interfere with his presentation, which seldom strays from the Communist, albeit preStalinist “line” on the subject. A fine nonpartisan history is Henryk Katz’s The Emancipation of Labor: A History of the First International (New York: Greenwood Press, 1992), which is concise and highly informative.

The first part of The Revolutionary Internationals, 1864–1943, edited by Milorad M. Drachkovitch (Palo Alto, CA: Stanford University Press, 1966), is sketchy so far as the International as a whole is concerned, but it does contain the best account, albeit tongue in cheek, of the anarchist IWMA namely Max Nomad’s “The Anarchist Tradition.” The most definitive Bakuninist history of the First International is available only in French, despite the fact it has been published in the United States: James Guillaume’s L’lntemational: Documents et souvenirs (1864–1878) (New York: B. Franklin, 1969) is a huge four-volume work that is labored in both style and form. Credit must be given to Franz Mehring, a German Marxist, for treating Bakunin very fairly and Marx rather critically, in his biography of Marx.

The literature—social, historical, and political—on the Paris Commune of 1871 is massive. A good place to start, for the nonspecialist reader, is Alistair Home’s The Fall of Paris: The Siege and the Commune of 1871 (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1965), a lively, dramatic account of the events leading up to the Commune and the Commune itself. Roger L. Williams’s The French Revolution of 1870–1871 (New York: W.W. Norton, 1969) is another summary history. For those who wish more detail, the most authoritative account of the Commune in English is Stewart Edwards’s The Paris Commune 1871 (New York: Quadrangle Books, 1971). Edwards’s mastery and presentation are unsurpassed, and his fine book deserves the closest reading by students of revolutionary movements. We are also fortunate that it was Edwards who edited The Communards of Paris, 1871 in the Documents of Revolution series (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press; London: Thames and Hudson, 1973). Frank Jellinek’s The Paris Commune of 1871 (London: Victor Gollancz, 1937), an old standby, is guided by a Marxist viewpoint but is valuable as a supplement to Edwards’s more authoritative work.

Lissagaray’s History of the Commune of 1871, translated from the French by Eleanor Marx Aveling (New York and London: Monthly Review Press, 1967), is an excellent account written by a supporter of and participant in the Commune. Originally published in 1876, it is as much memoir as history and provides invaluable lived insights into the events; in the later decades of the nineteenth century, the Left considered it the official history of Commune. Lissagaray, it should be noted, was neither a Marxist nor an anarchist but a militant social revolutionary. Unfortunately, the English translation is overly literal, sacrificing much of the flavor of the original, but it also contains material by Lissagaray that does not appear in the French original, which was published most recendy as Histoire de la Commune de 1871 (Paris: Francois Maspero, 1970).

Eugene Schulkind’s The Paris Commune of 1871: The View From the Left (New York: Grove Press, 1974) contains a wealth of contemporary documents and articles on the Commune and analyzes by all major socialist and anarchist thinkers, from Bakunin and Kropotkin to Marx and Engels. The Marxist viewpoint is presented in Karl Marx’s The Civil War in France, in volume 2 of the Marx-Engels Selected Works and in volume 22 of the Collected Works. All the extant Marx-Engels letters and works on the Commune were compiled in the former Soviet Union and published under the tide Marx and Engels on the Paris Commune (Moscow: Progress Publishers, 1971). An invaluable comparative study of the participants and goals of the June 1848 uprising and the Commune is Roger V. Gould’s Insurgent Identities: Class, Community, and Protest in Paris from 1848 to the Commune (Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press, 1995). Gould persuasively argues that the June insurrection was more class-oriented than the Commune, using considerable archival material to make his point

Among the specialized studies on the Commune, Edith Thomas’s The Women Incendiaries, translated from the French by James and Starr Atkinson (London: Martin Seeker & Warburg, 1967), addresses the often neglected role that women played in the Commune. Thomas has also written a sympathetic biography of the anarchist Louise Michel, translated by Penelope Williams (Montreal: Black Rose Books, 1980), which provides a libertarian perspective on the events of 1871 and an account of the life of an extraordinary woman of unforgettable heroism. The Commune is discussed, to some degree, in biographies of all revolutionary activists and thinkers who were involved with left-wing politics in 1871.

PART VII: PROLETARIAN SOCIALISM

On the emergence of the industrial proletariat, the reader would do well to examine the historical accounts of the Industrial Revoluuon cited above. In addition, Consciousness and Class Experience in Nineteenth-Century Europe, edited by John M. Merriman (New York and London: Holmes & Meier, 1979), is a collection of useful essays on proletarianization in Britain and France; Charles Tilly, Louise Tilly, and Richard Tilly, The Rebellious Century, 1830–1930 (Cambridge, MA.: Harvard University Press, 1975) is also to be recommended. A richly illustrated and valuable account of the proletarianization as well as acculturation of Europeans for more than a century before the First World War is W. O. Henderson’s The Industrialization of Europe 17801914 (London: Thames and Hudson, 1969). Also of interest is Richard J. Evans’s Proletarians and Politics: Socialism, Protest and the Working Class in Germany before the First World War (New York: St. Martin’s, 1990). Selig Perlman’s A Theory of the Labor Movement (New York: Macmillan, 1928) is still a provocative exploradon of the modern labor movement in Britain, Germany, Russia, and the United States.

French syndicalism, especially its ideological roots, is examined in considerable detail by Jeremy Jennings in Syndicalism in France: A Study of Ideas (New York: St. Martin’s, 1990), while its trajectory as a labor movement is the subject of Peter Stearns’s Revolutionary Syndicalism and French Labor (New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press, 1971). Both G.D.H. Cole and Harry Laidler provide excellent summaries of syndicalism in their respective histories of socialism. The best account of anarchosyndicalism is Rudolf Rocker’s Anarcho-Syndicalism: Theory and Practice (Indore, India: Modern Publishers, n.d.). Other summaries of anarchosyndicalism will be found in histories of anarchism cited above.

The finest single history of the Second International is G.D.H. Cole’s The Second International 1889–1914, which makes up volume 3, part 1 of A History of Socialist Thought. James Joll’s The Second International (1889–1914) (New York: Harper & Row, 1966) is often unclear and tangled in its presentation but is still a useful summary. Another brief account of the International is Gerhart Niemeyer’s “The Second International: 1889–1914,” in Drachkovitch’s Revolutionary Internationals.

The history of the Second International is so integrally tied to the emergence and development of German Social Democracy that excellent accounts of it appear in most serious discussions of the German socialist movement. General histories of Germany, in turn, are indispensable to an understanding of her socialist movements, as well as the central problems of nationalism and militarism. Geoffrey Barraclough’s The Origins of Modem Germany (New York and London: W. W. Norton, 1984) provides an excellent overview of how these problems took form from medieval to modem times. Arthur Rosenberg’s Imperial Germany : The Birth of the German Republic 1871–1918 (Boston: Beacon, 1963) is indispensable for an understanding of German unification and its consequences. The role of the Junkers in the consolidation and militarization of nineteenth-century Germany is explored in Edward Crankshaw’s excellent biography, Bismarck (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 1983). Nicholas Stargardt’s The German Ideal of Militarism: Radical and Socialist Critics 18661914 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984) is a searing account of German militarism and the criticisms voiced by Karl Kautsky, Karl Liebknecht, and other leading figures in the SPD.

A concise overall history of the German labor movement from its beginnings to the post-World War II period is in Helga Grebing’s The History of the German Labor Movement: A Survey, abridged by Mary Saran and translated by Edith Koerner (Dover, N.H.: Berg Publishers, 1985). Several valuable histories of the German Social Democratic Party are available in English. The most comprehensive is Guenther Roth’s The Social Democrats in Imperial Germany: A Study in Working-Class Isolation and National Integration (Totowa, N.J.: Bedminster Press, 1963). Gary P. Steenson’s “Not One Man! Not One Penny!”: German Social Democracy, 1863–1914 (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1981) is a straightforward and vivid account of the SPD up to the outbreak of the First World War. Carl E. Schorske’s German Social Democracy, 1905–1917: The Development of the Great Schism (Cambridge, MA. and London: Harvard University Press, 1955) is deservedly a classic, tracing the descent of the prewar SPD from a seemingly revolutionary party to a crassly opportunistic one. Peter Gay’s The Dilemma of Democratic Socialism: Eduard Bernstein’s Challenge to Marx (New York: Columbia University Press, 1952) is an excellent account of Bernstein and Revisionism.

William A. Pelz has compiled and edited a very interesting anthology of writings by and about Karl Liebknecht’s father, Wilhelm Liebknecht and German Social Democracy, translated by Erich Hahn (Westport, CN., and London: Greenwood Press, 1994), which casts light on the SPD and the major disputes that arose within the SPD prior to 1900, when the elder Liebknecht died. These and later disputes are also admirably explored by J. P. Netd in his two-volume biography, Rosa Luxemburg (New York and London: Oxford University Press, 1966). The best overall anthology of Luxemburg’s works in English, reflecting the Left opposition within the SPD and the Second International, is Mary-Alice Waters’s collection, Rosa Luxemburg Speaks (New York: Pathfinder Press, 1970), which contains a stirring essay by Trotsky, “Hands Off Rosa Luxemburg!” Helmut Trotnow’s Karl Liebknecht: A Political Biography (Hamden, CN.: Archon, 1984) is a short account of the young German revolutionary whose life was entwined with Luxemburg’s during the war years. No bibliography on German social democracy would be satisfactory without Marx’s “Critique of the Gotha Program” and related materials from his pen, in Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, Collected Works, vol. 24 (New York: International Publishers, 1989)

[1] The term vanguard has fallen into such disrepute these days, mainly because of the connotations given to it by the Bolsheviks and their followers, that it is easily forgotten how common it was in all radical movements, including anarchist and libertarian ones, during the first half of the twentieth century. Vanguard was the title of the principal anarchist journal in the United States in the 1930s and was used throughout Europe, particularly in Spain, as the title of anarchosyndicalist journals until the Second World War. Vanguard[assemblies].”[2] However shrewd his reply, the question was not at all meaningless. Nor is it meaningless even today.

[2] See Robespierre’s speech in the Gazette Nationale or Le Moniteur Universel, no. 262 (September 19,1793), in Reimpression de I’ancien ‘Moniteur’, vol. 17 (Paris: Henri Plon, 1858–63), p.683.

[3] John Ball quoted in Barbara Tuchman, A Distant Mirror: The Calamitous 14^th Century (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1978), p. 374.

[4] Kenneth Rexroth, Communalism: From Its Origins to the Twentieth Century! New York: Seabury Press, 1974), p. 91.

[5] Perez Zagorin, Rebels and Rulers: 1500–1600; vol. I, Society, States, and Early Modern Revolution: Agrarian and Urban Rebellions (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1982), p. 232.

[6] Ephraim Emerton, The Beginnings of Modern Europe (Boston: Ginn & Co., 1917), p. 217.

[7] The German Peasants’ War: A History in Documents, edited, translated, and with an introduction by Tom Scott and Bob Scribner (Atlantic Highlands, N.J.: Humanities Press, 1991), pp. 8–9.

[8] Friedrich Engels, The Peasant War in Germany, trans. Moissaye J. Olgin. Marxist Library: Works of Marxism-Leninism, vol. 33 (New York: International Publishers, 1926), p. 79.

[9] D. Riazanov, “explanatory notes” to Friedrich Engels, The Peasant War in Germany (New York: International Publishers, 1926), p. 182, note 13. Since Riazanov was a victim of Stalin’s purges in the 1930s, his name was removed from subsequent editions of Engels’s history.

[10] Scott and Scribner, The German Peasants’ War, p. 28.

[11] The Twelve Articles have been reprinted in many works on the Peasant War, including Engels, Peasant War, pp. 157–63. An insightful interpretation maybe found in Peter Blickle, The Revolution of1525: The German Peasants’ War from a New Perspective, trans. Thomas A. Brady, Jr., and H. C. Erik Midelfort (Baltimore and London: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1985), pp. 25–67.

[12] “The local demand for the abolition of seigneurial rights gave place to universal ideas of liberty, fraternity, equality; and it is scarcely an exaggeration to say that the German peasants in 1525 anticipated most of the French ideas of 1789.” A.W. Ward, G.W. Prothero, and Stanley Leathes, eds., The Cambridge Modem History, “planned by Lord Acton”; voL 2, The Reformation (New York and London: Macmillan, 1904), p. 184.

[13] Peter Blickle, “The ‘Peasant War’ as the Revolution of the Common Man—Theses,” in Bob Scribner and Gerhard Benecke, eds., The Gemtan Peasant War of 1525: New Viewpoints (London: George Allen & Unwin, 1979), p. 21.

[14] Scott and Scribner, The German Peasants’ War, p. 14.

[15] Blickle, “The Peasant War,” p. 21.

[16] Scott and Scribner, The German Peasants’ War, p. 64.

[17] John Calvin, “Instruction in Faith” (1537), trans. Paul T. Fuhrmann, in Great Voices of the Reformation: An Anthology, ed. Harry Emerson Fosdick (New York: Modern Library, 1952), p. 237.

[18] Ibid.

[19] Ibid., p. 238.

[20] Lawrence Stone, The Causes of the English Revolution: 1529–1642 (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1972), pp. 63–4.

[21] Ibid.

[22] Ibid., pp. 68–9.

[23] Ibid., p. 70.

[24] James 1,1610, in Christopher Hill and Edmund Dell, eds., The Good Old Cause: Documents of the English Revolution of 1640–1660: Its Causes, Course, and Consequences, 2^nd ed., rev. (London: Frank Cass & Co., 1949; New York: Augustus M. Kelley Publishers, 1969), p. 119.

[25] “The Petition of Right,” June 7,1628, in Hill and Dell, Good Old Cause, pp. 148–9.

[26] James 1,1610, in Hill and Dell, Good Old Cause, pp. 118–19.

[27] Quoted in Christopher Hill, The Century of Revolution, 1603–1714 (London: Thomas Nelson 8c Sons, 1961; New York: W.W. Norton, 1966), p. 55.

[28] Christopher Hill, The Century of Revolution: 1603–1714 (New York: W.W. Norton, 1966), p. 173.

[29] Sir John Oglander, quoted in Christopher Hill, The English Revolution 1640: An Essay (London: Lawrence & Wishart, 1940), pp. 46–7.

[30] Quoted in Jasper Ridley, The Roundheads (London: Constable & Co., 1976), p. 43.

[31] Quoted in Antonia Fraser, Cromwell: The Lord Protector (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1973; originally published in Great Britain as Cromwell: Our Chief of Men by Weidenfeld & Nicolson, London, 1973), p. 138.

[32] H. N. Brailsford, The Levelers and the English Revolution, ed. Christopher Hill (Nottingham: Spokesman University Press, 1976), p. 316.

[33] Quoted in Brailsford, Levelers, p. 324.

[34] Article 30, “An Agreement of the Free People of England” (May 1, 1649), in G. E. Aylmer, ed., The Levelers in the English Revolution (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1975).

[35] Richard Overton, “An Appeal,” July 17,1647, in Don M. Wolfe, ed., Leveler Manifestoes of the Puritan Revolution (1944; New York: Humanities Press, 1967), p. 182; I have modernized the spelling and punctuation.

[36] Article 16 of “A New Engagement or Manifesto”, quoted in Brailsford, Levelers, p. 440 (emphasis added).

[37] Brailsford, Levelers, pp. 441–2 (emphasis added).

[38] “Agreement of the (Free] People of England, May 1,1649,” in Aylmer, Levelers of the English Revolution, pp. 160–8.

[39] Lilburne quoted in Brailsford, Levelers, p. 321.

[40] Quoted in G.P. Gooch, English Democratic Ideas in the Seventeenth Century (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1927), p. 179. So disliked was Walwyn by the Cromwellians that at the end of the Second Civil War, when the “Grandees” were trying to regain the Leveler support that they had lost earlier, the Levelers were obliged to remove him from their negotiating committee.

[41] “A Manifestation,” attributed to Walwyn and signed by John Lilburne, William Walwyn, Thomas Prince, and Richard Overton, dated April 14,1649, in Wolfe, Leveler Manifestoes, pp. 390–1.

[42] Brailsford, Levelers, p. 314.

[43] Rev. Hugh Peter, 1646, quoted in Hill, The English Revolution, p. 48.

[44] C.H. Firth, Cromwell’s Army: A History of the English Soldier during the Civil Wars, the Commonwealth and the Protectorate, being the Ford Lectures delivered in the University of Oxford 1900–1901 (London: Methuen 8c Co., 1962), pp. 46–7.

[45] Ibid., p. 40.

[46] Quoted in Gooch, Democratic Ideas, p. 120.

[47] Firth, Cromwell’s Army, p. 349.

[48] Ibid., pp. 349–50.

[49] “Engagement of the Army,” June 5,1647, quoted in Firth, Cromwell’s Army, pp. 349–50.

[50] Ridley, Roundheads, p. 94.

[51] “Army’s Declaration,” June 14,1647, in Christopher Hill and Edmund Dell, eds., The Good Old Cause: Documents of the English Revolution of 1640–1660: Its Causes, Course and Consequences, 2^nd ed., rev. (London: Frank Cass & Co., 1949; New York: Augustus M. Kelley Publishers, 1969), pp. 348–9.

[52] Quoted in The Clarke Papers, ed. C.H. Firth, vol. 1 (London: The Camden Society, 1891–1901), p. 260n.

[53] Holies quoted in Antonia Fraser, Cromwell: The Lord Protector (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1973; originally published in Great Britain as Cromwell: Our Chief of Men by Wcidenfeld & Nicolson, London, 1973), p. 208.

[54] Cromwell quoted in G.P. Gooch, English Democratic Ideas in the Seventeenth Century (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1927), p. 127.

[55] C.H. Firth, Cromwell’s Army: A History of the English Soldier during the Civil Wars, the Commonwealth and the Protectorate, being the Ford Lectures delivered in the University of Oxford 1900–1902 (London: Methuen & Co., 1962), p. 352.

[56] “The Hunting of the Foxes, from Newmarket to Triploe Heaths to Whitehall, by Five Small Beagles (Late of the Army), or the Grandee-Deceivers Unmasked (That You May Know Them),” dated March 1, 1649, in Don M. Wolfe, ed., Leveler Manifestoes of the Puritan Revolution (originally published 1944; New York: Humanities Press, 1967), pp. 362–3.

[57] Jasper Ridley, The Roundheads (London: Constable 8c Co., 1976), p. 94.

[58] “An Agreement of the People (October 28,1647)”, in A.L. Morton, ed.. Freedom in Arms: A Selection of leveler Writings (New York: International Publishers, 1975; London: Lawrence & Wishart, 1975), p. 144.

[59] See Firth, Cromwell’s Army, p. 354.

[60] Ibid., p. 354.

[61] Clarke Papers, vol. 1, p. 233.

[62] Ibid., vol. l,p. 260.

[63] Ibid., vol. 1, p. 305.

[64] Quoted in Christopher Hill and Edmund Dell, eds., The Good Old Cause: Documents of the English Revolution, p. 356.

[65] Clarke Papers, vol. 1, p. 263.

[66] Ibid., vol. l,pp.301–2.

[67] Ibid., vol. l,p. 303.

[68] Ibid., vol. 1, p.306.

[69] Ibid., vol. 1, p.307.

[70] Ibid., vol. 1, pp. 300–1.

[71] Ibid., vol. 1, p. 309 (emphasis added).

[72] Ibid., vol. l,p.3U.

[73] Ibid., vol. 1, p. 320.

[74] Ibid.

[75] Ibid., vol. 1, p. 441.

[76] H.N. Brailsford, The Levelers and the English Revolution, ed. Christopher Hill (Nottingham: Spokesman University Press, 1976), p. 296.

[77] “Hunting of the Foxes,” Leveler Manifestoes, p. 363.

[78] Ibid., p. 359.

[79] On Leveler organization, see A.L. Morton, ed., Freedom in Anns: A Selection of Leveler Writings (New York; International Publishers, 1975; London: Lawrence & Wishart, 1975), chap. 17.

[80] Quoted in H.N. Brailsford, The Levelers and the English Revolution, ed. Christopher Hill (Nottingham: Spokesman University Press, 1976), p. 340. Marten, it is worth noting, belonged to the very class he attacked in the pamphlet. His father was a rich lawyer who owned a large landed estate and, like his son, sat in the Commons.

[81] Christopher Hill, God’s Englishman: Oliver Cromwell and the English Revolution (New York: Harper & Row, 1972), p. 100.

[82] Brailsford, Levelers, p. 337.

[83] Hill, God’s Englishman, pp. 107–8.

[84] “The Hunting of the Foxes,” March 1,1649, in Don M. Wolfe, Leveler Manifestoes of the Puritan Revolution (originally published 1944; New York: Humanities Press, 1967), pp. 359–83.

[85] “Li!burne before the Council of State, April 1649,” in The Good Old Cause: Documents of the English Revolution of 1640–1660: Its Causes, Course and Consequences, ed. Christopher Hill and Edmund Dell, 2^nd ed. (New York: Augustus M. Kelley, 1969), p. 403.

[86] “The Remonstrance of Many Thousands of the Free People of England”, quoted in Brailsford, Levelers, pp. 573–4.

[87] Christopher Hill, The World Turned Upside Down: Radical Ideas during the English Revolution (New York: Viking Press, 1972), p. 12. Religious sectaries, anarchistic mystics, and communistic pantheists add spice to this account of the English Revolution, but it should be noted that The World Turned Upside Down was written at a time when libertarian movements and ideas were very much in vogue in America and Western Europe.

[88] Quoted in P.G. Rogers, The Fifth Monarchy Men (London: Oxford University Press, 1979), p. 304.

[89] Jacob Bauthumley,“The Light and Dark Side of God,” quoted in Norman Cohn, Pursuit of the Millennium (New York; Oxford University Press, 1970), p. 304.

[90] Quoted in A.L. Morton, The World of the Ranters: Religious Radicalism in the English Revolution (London: Lawrence 8e Wishart, 1970), p. 71. It is worth noting that the Ranters’ numbers included even atheists, for whom “the sacred BIBLE was but a meer Romance, and contradictory to itself, only invented by the Witts of Former Ages, to keep the People in subjection.”

[91] J. Salmon, “A Rout, A Rout,” quoted in Morton, World of the Ranters, p. 85.

[92] Gerrard Winstanley, “A Declaration from the Poor Oppressed People of England,” in Selected Writings, ed. Andrew Hopton (London: Aporia Press, 1989), pp. 26–7.

[93] Hill, World Turned Upside Down, pp. 104–5.

[94] In Christopher Hill and Edmund Dell, eds., The Good Old Cause: Documents of the English Revolution of 1640–1660: Its Causes, Course, and Consequences, 2^nd ed„ rev. (London: Frank Cass 8c Co., 1949; New York: Augustus M. Kelley Publishers, 1969), p. 385.

[95] Hill and Dell, Good Old Cause, pp. 385,395. See also Winstanley, Selected Writings.

[96] Quoted and discussed in Christopher Hill, God’s Englishman: Oliver Cromwell and the English Revolution (New York: Harper 8c Row, 1972), p. 139.

[97] “The Hunting of Foxes,” in Don M. Wolfe, ed., Leveler Manifestoes of the Puritan Revolution (1944; New York: Humanities Press, 1967), p. 370.

[98] Hill, God’s Englishman, p. 149.

[99] Ibid., p. 150.

[100] Gerrard Winstanley, The Law of Freedom in a Platform, or True Magistracy Restored, ed. Robert Kenny (New York: Schocken Books, 1941), p. 147.

[101] Lawrence Stone, “The Results of the English Revolution,” in Three British Revolutions: 1641,1688,1776, ed. J.G.A. Pocock (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1980), pp. 45–6.

[102] Ibid., pp. 45–6,48.

[103] Christopher Hill, The Century of Revolution: 1603–1714 (London: Thomas Nelson 8c Sons, 1961; New York: W.W. Norton 8c Co., 1966), pp. 1–2.

[104] H.N. Brailsford, The Levelers and the English Revolution, ed. Christopher Hill (Nottingham: Spokesman University Press, 1976), p. 376.

[105] Howard Zinn, A People’s History of the United States (New York: Harper & Row, 1980).

[106] R.R. Palmer, The Age of the Democratic Revolutions: A Political History of Europe and America, 1760–1800: The Challenge (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1959), p. 188.

[107] Ibid., p. 189.

[108] Ibid., p. 189.

[109] Ibid., p. 189.

[110] Quoted in Elisha P. Douglass, Rebels and Democrats (New York: Quadrangle/New York Times Books, 1955), p. 73.

[111] William Berkeley to Thomas Ludwell (July 1676), Henry Coventry Papers at estate of the Marquis of Bath (microfilm, Library of Congress), no. 77, fo. 145.

[112] John Winthrop, “Defense of the Negative Vote,” June 4,1643, quoted in Ola Elizabeth Winslow, Meetinghouse Hill 1630–1783(1952; New York: W.W. Norton, 1972), p. 36.

[113] John Wise, “Vindication of the Government of New England Churches” (1717), in Perry Miller, ed.. The American Puritans (Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday, 1956), p. 135, emphasis added.

[114] Needless to say, women and children had very limited rights in Massachusetts, as was true of the colonies generally. Indeed, rights such as the franchise and economic independence for women did not appear in the Western world until the French Revolution, and even then they were rescinded shortly thereafter, not to be reinstituted until the present century.

[115] Richard Lingeman, Small Town America: A Narrative History, 1620-The Present (New York: G.P. Putnam’s Sons, 1980), p. 50.

[116] Palmer, Democratic Revolutions, p. 190.

[117] Charles Beard and Mary Beard, The Rise of American Civilization, revised and enlarged ed., vol. 1 (originally published 1927; New York: Macmillan, 1949), p. 111.

[118] Ibid., pp, 111–12.

[119] Palmer, Democratic Revolutions, p. 190.

[120] Ibid., p. 191.

[121] Quoted in Samuel Eliot Morison, The Oxford History of the American Revolution (New York: Oxford University Press, 1965), p. 172.

[122] Quoted in Morison, Oxford History, p. 174.

[123] Morison, Oxford History, pp. 174–5.

[124] Quoted in Charles Beard and Mary Beard, The Rise of American Civilization, revised and enlarged ed., vol. 1 (originally published 1927; New York; Macmillan, 1949), pp. 115–16.

[125] Jesse Lemisch, “The American Revolution Seen from the Bottom Up,” in Towards a New Past: Dissenting Essays in American History, ed. Barton J. Bernstein (New York; Pantheon, 1968), p. 20.

[126] Quoted in Robert E. Brown, Middle-Class Democracy and the Revolution in Massachusetts, 1691–1780 (New York: Harper 8c Row, 1955), p. 58.

[127] Quoted in Bernard Bailyn, Ideological Origins of the American Revolution (Cambridge, Mass.; Harvard University Press, 1967), p. 113.

[128] May 29,1772; quoted in Brown, Middle-Class Democracy, p. 60.

[129] “Speech of the Governor to the Two Houses, January 6,1773,” in Alden Bradford, ed., Speeches of the Governors of Massachusetts 1765–1775 (Boston, 1818), pp. 336–42, at p. 340.

[130] Harry Cushing, “Political Activity of Massachusetts Towns during the Revolution,” American Historical Association, Annual Report (1895), pp. 108–9.

[131] Samuel Eliot Morison, “The Struggle over the Adoption of the Constitution of Massachusetts, 1780,” Massachusetts Historical Society, Proceedings, vol. 50 (1916–17), p. 360.

[132] Margaret Burnham Macmillan, The War Governors in the American Revolution (Gloucester, Mass.: Peter Smith, 1965), p. 15.

[133] See ibid., p. 20.

[134] Ibid., p. 17.

[135] In using the term liberty interchangeably with freedom, I am conforming to the usage of two centuries ago. Following the natural rights doctrines of the time, which endowed each individual with inborn autonomy, the revolutionaries of the eighteenth century tended to conflate personal liberty with social freedom—a distinction that was not to be clarified until the next century by socialists, for whom the individual divested of a social context was an abstraction.

[136] Franklin quoted in Bernard Bailyn, The Ideological Origins of the American Revolution (Cambridge, Mass.: Belknap Press of Harvard University, 1967), p. 102.

[137] Wilson quoted ibid., p. 103.

[138] Ibid., p. 36.

[139] Quoted ibid., p. 20.

[140] Thomas Paine, Common Sense and the Crisis (New York: Doubleday & Co, 1960), p. 42.

[141] Bailyn, Ideological Origins, p. 204.

[142] Paine, Common Sense, p. 26.

[143] Ibid., p. 16.

[144] Ibid., pp. 19,22.

[145] Ibid., p. 22.

[146] Ibid.,p. 18.

[147] Ibid., p. 26.

[148] Ibid.

[149] Quoted in Bailyn, Ideological Origins, p. 289.

[150] Washington’s letter to Joseph Reed, quoted in Samuel Eliot Morison, Oxford History of the American People (London and New York: Oxford University Press, 1965), p. 220.

[151] Bailyn, Ideological Origins, p. 231.

[152] “Virginia Bill of Rights,” June 12,1776, in Samuel Eliot Morison, ed., Sources and Documents Illustrating the American Revolution 1764–1788 and the Formation of the Federal Constitution, 2^nd ed. (London and New York: Oxford University Press, 1929), pp. 149–51.

[153] Quoted in Morison, Oxford History, p. 221.

[154] Richard Overton, Defense against All Arbitrary Usurpations, September 9,1646, in Don M. Wolfe, ed., Leveler Manifestoes of the Puritan Revolution (1944; New York: Humanities Press, 1967), p. 11. In this and the remaining Leveler quotes in this passage, I have modernized the spelling and punctuation. On the parallels between these passages and the opening paragraph of the Declaration of the Independence, I am indebted to Charles Beard’s introduction to Wolfe’s collection.

[155] John Lilburne, The Freeman’s Freedom Vindicated, June 19,1646, in Wolfe, Leveler Manifestoes, p. 8.

[156] Richard Overton, Alarum to the House of Lords, July 31,1646, in Wolfe, Leveler Manifestoes, p. 11.

[157] John Lilburne, The Charters of London and London’s Liberty in Chains, December 18, 1646, in Wolfe, Leveler Manifestoes, p. 14,

[158] William Walwyn, England’s Lamentable Slavery, October 11,1645, in Wolfe, Leveler Manifestoes, p. 7.

[159] “The Association,” October 20,1774, in Sources and Documents: American Revolution, 1764–1768, ed. Samuel Eliot Morison (New York: Oxford University Press, 1965), p. 124.

[160] Earl of Dunmore to Earl of Dartmouth, December 24,1774, in American Archives: Containing a Documentary History of the English Colonies in America, 4^th ser., vol. 1 (Washington, D.C.: M. St. Clair Clarke and Peter Force, 1833), p. 1062.

[161] Alexander Clarence Flick, Loyalism in New York during the American Revolution (originally published c. 1900; reprinted by New York: Arno Press and New York Times, 1969), p. 65.

[162] Margaret Burnham Macmillan, The War Governors in the American Revolution (Gloucester, Mass.: Peter Smith, 1965), p. 23.

[163] Quoted ibid., p. 24.

[164] Richard Alan Ryerson, The Revolution Is Now Begun: The Radical Committees of Philadelphia, 1765–1776 (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1978), pp. 5,256.

[165] Agnes Hunt, The Provincial Committees of Safety of the American Revolution (originally published in 1904; reprinted by New York: Haskell House Publishers, 1968), p. 153.

[166] Macmillan, War Governors, p. 35.

[167] Quoted ibid., p. 35. Original emphases.

[168] All quotations in this paragraph are from Pauline Maier, “The Charleston Mob and the Evolution of Popular Politics in Revolutionary South Carolina, 1765–1784,” Perspectives in American History, vol. 4 (1970), pp. 173–96.

[169] Charles G. Steffen, The Mechanics of Baltimore: Workers and Politics in the Age of Revolution, 1763–1812 (Urbana and Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1984), p. 62.

[170] Jesse Lemisch, “The American Revolution Seen from the Bottom Up,” in Towards a New Past: Dissenting Essays in American History, ed. Barton J. Bernstein (New York: Pantheon, 1968), p. 27. See also Lemisch, “Jack Tar in the Streets: Merchant Seamen in the Politics of Revolutionary America,” William and Mary Quarterly, 3^rd ser., vol. 25, no. 3 (July 1968), p. 401; and “Listening to the’Inarticulate’: William Widger’s Dream and the Loyalties of American Revolutionary Seamen in British Prisons,” Journal of Social History (Fall 1969), pp. 1–29.

[171] Ryerson, Revolution, p. 147.

[172] Claude Halstead Van Tyne, The Loyalists in the American Revolution (New York: Macmillan, 1902), pp. 213–14.

[173] Quoted ibid., p. 211.

[174] The Congress’s resolves of August 1775 and March 1776 and its order to New York are quoted in Flick, Loyalism in New York, pp. 62–3,65.

[175] Quoted in Van Tyne, Loyalists, p. 219.

[176] Ibid., p. 213.

[177] Lemisch, “American Revolution Seen from the Bottom Up,” p. 27.

[178] See Charles Royster, A Revolutionary People at War: The Continental Army and American Character, 1775–1783 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1979), pp. 11–12, 26–7. See also the same author’s Light-Horse Harry Lee and the Legacy of the American Revolution (New York: Knopf, 1981), chapter 1.

[179] Ibid., p. 26.

[180] John Ford’s 1939 motion picture Drums along the Mohawk conveys with considerable accuracy the brutality of the Tory guerrillas and the fear they inspired.

[181] Carl L. Becker, The History of Political Parties in the Province of New York, 1760–1776. PhD dist. (Madison: University of Wisconsin, 1909).

[182] Carl L. Becker, The History of Political Parties in the Province of New York, 1760–1776. PhD disl. (Madison: University of Wisconsin, 1909), pp. 31–2.

[183] Gouverneur Morris to Thomas Penn, May 20,1774, in Richard B. Morris, ed., The American Revolution, 1763–1783: A Bicentennial Collection (New York: Harper & Row, 1970), pp. 142–3.

[184] Quoted in Staughton Lynd,“The Mechanics in New York Politics, 1774–1788,” Labor History.v ol. 5, no. 3 (Fall 1964), p. 231.

[185] Roger Champagne, quoted ibid., p. 232.

[186] George Sims, Address to the People of Granville County, summarized by Elisha P. Douglass, Rebels and Democrats, (New York: Quadrangle/New York Times Books, 1955), pp. 78–9.

[187] Charles Beard and Mary Beard, The Rise of American Civilization, revised and enlarged ed. vol. 1 (1927; New York: Macmillan, 1949), pp. 267–8.

[188] Quoted in Bernard C. Steiner, Western Maryland in the Revolution (Baltimore, 1902), Johns Hopkins Studies in History and Political Science, vol. 20, p. 19.

[189] Richard Alan Ryerson, The Revolution Is Now Begun: The Radical Committees of Philadelphia, 27<55—J77<5 (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1978), pp.32–3.

[190] Ibid., p. 4.

[191] Quoted in Eric Foner, Tom Paine and Revolutionary America (London and New York: Oxford University Press, 1976), p. 63.

[192] Douglass, Rebels and Democrats, p. 252.

[193] “To the Associators of the City of Philadelphia,” May 18,1775, reproduced in Foner, Tom Paine, p. 67.

[194] Quoted in Foner, Tom Paine, p. 66.

[195] Quoted in Douglass, Rebels and Democrats, p. 250.

[196] Quoted ibid., p. 251.

[197] Quoted ibid., p. 253.

[198] Quoted in Merrill Jensen, The Articles of Confederation (Madison, Wis.: University of Wisconsin Press, 1940), p. 98.

[199] Quoted in Jensen, Articles, p. LOO.

[200] The Constitution of Pennsylvania (September 28,1776), in Samuel Eliot Morison, ed., Sources and Documents Illustrating the American Revolution, 1764–1788, and the Formation of the Federal Constitution, 2^nd ed. {London: Oxford University Press, 1965), pp. 162–75.

[201] Jesse Lemisch, “The American Revolution Seen from the Bottom Up,” in Towards a New Past: Dissenting Essays in American History, ed. Barton J. Bernstein {New York: Pantheon, 1968), p. 12.

[202] Agnes Hunt, The Provincial Committees of Safety of the American Revolution (New York: Haskell House Publishers, 1968), p. 96.

[203] Claude Halstead Van Tyne, The Loyalists in the American Revolution (New York: Macmillan, 1902), p. 280.

[204] Douglass, Rebels and Democrats, p. 8.

[205] John Adams to Dr. J. Morse, December 22,1815, in Charles F. Adams, ed., Works of John Adams, vol. 10 (Boston: Little, Brown, 1856), p. 197.

[206] Quoted in Pauline Maier,“The Charleston Mob and the Evolution of Popular Politics in Revolutionary South Carolina, 1765–1784,” Perspectives in American History, vol. 4 (1970), p. 191.

[207] S.C. Morison, “The Struggle over the Adoption of the Constitution of Massachusetts, 1780,” Massachusetts Historical Society, Proceedings 50 (1916–17).

[208] Articles of Confederation, 1777 (1781), in Sources and Documents Illustrating the American Revolution, 1764–1788 and the Formation of the Federal Constitution, ed. Samuel Eliot Morison, 2^nd ed. (Oxford University Press, 1965), pp. 178–86.

[209] Merrill Jensen, The New Nation (New York: Vintage Books, 1950), p. 128.

[210] Quoted in James Thomas Flexner, Washington: The Indispensable Man (Boston: Little, Brown 8c Co., 1975), p. 172.

[211] Quoted ibid., p. 171.

[212] Quoted ibid., p. 171.

[213] Quoted ibid., p. 172.

[214] Ibid., p. 174.

[215] Quoted ibid., p. 175.

[216] “Diary of George Richard Minot, June 9, 1787, quoted and discussed in David P. Szatmary, Shays’ Rebellion (Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 1980),p. 1.

[217] Szatmary, Shays’ Rebellion, p. 2.

[218] Ibid., p. 2.

[219] Ibid., pp. 6–7.

[220] Ibid., p. 19.

[221] Richard M. Brown, “Back Country Rebellion and the Homestead Ethic,” in Richard M. Brown and Don Fehrenbachar, eds., Tradition, Conflict and Modernization: Perspectives on the American Revolution (New York: Academic Press, 1977), pp. 86–7,91.

[222] Quoted in Szatmary, Shays’ Rebellion, p. 102.

[223] Quoted ibid., p. 100. Original emphasis.

[224] Quoted in Merrill Jensen, The Making of the American Constitution (New York: Van Nostrand Reinhold, 1964), pp. 36–7.

[225] Quoted ibid., p. 40.

[226] Quoted in Christopher Collier and James Lincoln Collier, Decision in Philadelphia: The Constitutional Convention of 1789 (New York: Ballantine, 1986), p. 65.

[227] Quoted, for example, in Charles A. Beard, An Economic Interpretation of the Constitution of the United States (New York: Macmillan, 1913), pp. 62–3.

[228] Federalist no. 10, in James Madison, Alexander Hamilton, and John Jay, The Federalist Papers (New York: New American Library, 1961), p. 81.

[229] Federalist no. 51, in Federalist Papers, p. 322.

[230] Karl Marx, The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte, in Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, Selected Works, vol. 1 (Moscow: Progress Publishers, 1969), p. 398.

[231] Leon Trotsky, The History of the Russian Revolution, trans. Max Eastman (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1932), pp. xviii-xix.

[232] Jean Jaur&s, Histoire socialiste, vol. 1 (Paris: 1901), p. 47; quoted in Norman Hampson, A Social History of the French Revolution (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1963), p. 20.

[233] Albert Soboul, A Short History of the French Revolution, 1789–1799, trans. Geoffrey Symcox (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1965), pp. i, 16 (emphasis added).

[234] Karl Marx, Preface to A Contribution to the Critique of Political Economy, vol. 1, Marx and Engels, Selected Works, p. 504.

[235] Norman Hampson, A Social History of the French Revolution (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1966), p. 11.

[236] P.M. (ones, The Peasantry in the French Revolution (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988), p. 8.

[237] Ibid., p. 15.

[238] C.B.A. Behrens, TheAncien Regime (London: Thames 8t Hudson, 1967; New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1967), p. 32.

[239] Albert Mathiez, The French Revolution, trans. Catherine Alison Phillips (New York: Russell & Russell, 1962), p. 4.

[240] ). Droz, introduction, Histoire du rigne de Louis XVI (Brussels, 1839), quoted in Hampson, Social History, p. 6.

[241] Mathiez, French Revolution, p. 5.

[242] )ones, Peasantry in the French Revolution, p. 9.

[243] Alfred Cobban, The Social Interpretation of the French Revolution (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1964), pp. 43–4,45,45–6.

[244] Ibid., pp. 48–9,52,53.

[245] Hampson, Social History, p. 22.

[246] Ibid., p. 14.

[247] Albert Soboul’s view can be found in the opening pages of his Short History and in his Precis d’histoire de la Revolution franfaise (Paris: Editions Sociales, 1962), published in English as The French Revolution, 1787–1799: From the Storming of the Bastille to Napoleon, trans. Alan Forest and Colin Jones (New York: Random House, 1974).

[248] Albert Goodwin, The French Revolution (London: Hutchinson, 1953; New York: Harper Torchbook 1966), p. 28.

[249] Quoted in William Doyle, The Oxford History of the French Revolution (New York: Oxford University Press, 1989), p. 74.

[250] Counselor Sallier, quoted in Albert Mathiez, The French Revolution, trans. Catherine Alison Phillips (New York: Russell 8c Russell, 1962), p. 26.

[251] Mathiez, French Revolution, p. 34.

[252] Madame de Stagl quoted in Mathiez, French Revolution, p. 36.

[253] Goodwin, French Revolution, p. 49.

[254] I have reconstructed the events of July 14 from several sources, including Jacques Godechot, The Taking of the Bastille (New York; Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1970), pp. 187–8; and Christopher Hibbert, The Days of the French Revolution (New York: William Morrow, 1980; published in Great Britain under the title The French Revolution (Allen Lane/Penguin Books, 1980)), pp. 65–6. Whether Desmoulins, whom Hibbert treats unsympathetically, raised one or two pistols is difficult to determine. Contrary to legend, it was not Desmoulins’s speech that sent the people marching to the Bastille.

[255] Godechot, Taking of the Bastille, p. 222.

[256] “Reponse & 1’impertinente question: Mais qu’est-ce qu’un Sans-Culotte?” in Walter Markov and Albert Soboul, eds.. Die Sansculotten von Paris: Dokumente zur Geschichte der Volksbewegung, 1793–1794 (Berlin: Akademie-Verlag, 1957), p. 2.

[257] Gwyn A. Williams, Artisans and Sans-Culottes (London: Edward Arnold, 1968), p. 19.

[258] Jules Michelet, History of the French Revolution, abridged ed., trans. Charles Cocks, ed. Gordon Wright (Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press, 1967), p. 434.

[259] Christopher Hibbert, The Days of the French Revolution (New York: William Morrow, 1980; published in Great Britain under the title The French Revolution (Allen Lane/Penguin Books, 1980)), p. 92.

[260] Michelet, History of the French Revolution, pp. 435–6.

[261] Quoted in Albert Mathiez, The French Revolution, trans. Catherine Alison Phillips (New York: Russell & Russell, 1962), p. 53.

[262] Ibid., p. 89.

[263] “Decree Establishing Municipalities,” December 14,1789, article 7, in John Hall Stewart, ed., A Documentary Survey of the French Revolution (New York: Macmillan, 1951),pp. 120–7.

[264] Mathiez, French Revolution, p. 90.

[265] Ibid., pp. 89,90.

[266] Ibid., p. 90.

[267] Quoted in Hibbert, Days of the French Revolution, p. 112.

[268] Mathiez, French Revolution, p. 55.

[269] Norman Hampson, Danton (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1978), pp. 33–4.

[270] William Doyle, The Oxford History of the French Revolution (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1989), p. 127.

[271] Quoted in Albert Mathiez, The French Revolution, trans. Catherine Alison Phillips (New York: Russell 8c Russell, 1962), p. 122.

[272] Ibid., p. 123.

[273] Desmoulins quoted ibid., p. 77.

[274] “The Padua Circular,” July 5,1791, in A Documentary Survey of the French Revolution, ed. John Hall Stewart (New York: Macmillan, 1965), p. 221.

[275] Christopher Hibbert, The Days of the French Revolution (New York: William Morrow, 1980), p. 155.

[276] The story that Marat hid in the sewers of Paris and there contracted the nerve condition that produced his skin disorder is entirely apocryphal.

[277] Quoted in Hibbert, Days of the French Revolution, p. 138.

[278] Albert Goodwin, The French Revolution (London: Hutchinson, 1953; New York: Harper 8c Row, 1966), p. 97.

[279] Quoted in Mathiez, French Revolution, p. 157.

[280] Quoted in Hibbert, Days of the French Revolution, p. 154.

[281] Quoted in Albert Mathiez, The French Revolution, trans. Catherine Alison Phillips (New York: Russell & Russell, 1962), p. 193.

[282] Albert Goodwin, The French Revolution (London: Hutchinson, 1953; New York: Harper & Row, 1966), pp. 116,117.

[283] Mathiez, French Revolution, p. 165.

[284] William Doyle, The Oxford History of the French Revolution (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1989), p. 220.

[285] Goodwin, French Revolution, pp. 116,117.

[286] Quoted in Albert Soboul, The Sans Culottes: The Popular Movement and Revolutionary Government, 1793–1794, trans. R6my Inglis Hall (1968; New York: Doubleday & Co., 1972), p. 165.

[287] Mathiez, French Revolution, p. 90.

[288] Quoted in Doyle, Oxford History, p. 220.

[289] Quoted in Christopher Hibbert, The Days of the French Revolution (New York: William Morrow, 1980), p, 140.

[290] Quoted ibid., p. 169.

[291] Quoted ibid., p. 176.

[292] Soboul, The Sans Culottes, p. 95.

[293] Quoted ibid., pp. 95–6.

[294] Albert Soboul, Les Sans-culottes parisiens en I’An 11: Histoire politique et sociale des sections de Paris, 2 juin 1793–9 thermidorAn 11 (La Roche-sur-Yon: Henri Potier, 1958), pp. 583–4.

[295] Soboul, The Sans Culottes, pp. 166–7.

[296] The minutes of the sections, recorded by the sectional secretaries, were lodged in the Hdtel de Ville and were lost irrevocably when the building was set on fire by the Communards of 1871 during their desperate battle for Paris. But observers’and newspaper accounts of the sectional assemblies allow for some rough estimates.

[297] R.B. Rose, The Making of the Sans-Culottes: Democratic Ideas and Institutions in Paris, 1789–92 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1983), p. 15.

[298] Sebastian Merrier quoted ibid., p. 16.

[299] Morris Slavin, The French Revolution in Miniature: Section Droits-de-l’Homme, 1789–1795 (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1984), p. 128.

[300] Quoted in Morris Slavin, The Making of an Insurrection: Parisian Sections and the Gironde (Cambridge, Mass., and London: Harvard University Press, 1986), p. 134.

[301] Ibid., pp. 131–2.

[302] Quoted ibid., p. 133.

[303] Quoted ibid., p. 140.

[304] Norman Hampson, Danton (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1978), pp. 33–4.

[305] Quoted in Morris Slavin, The French Revolution in Miniature: Section Droits-de-l’Homme, 1789–1795 (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1984), p. 132.

[306] Quoted in J.M. Thompson, The French Revolution (New York: Oxford University Press, 1966), p. 338.

[307] Quoted in Slavin, French Revolution, p. 135.

[308] Quoted in Daniel Guerin, La Lutte de clas ses sous la Premiire Ripublique, vol. 1 (Paris: Librairie Gallimard, 1946), p. 116. A highly abridged version of the first volume has been translated by Ian Patterson under the title Class Struggle in the First French Republic (London: Pluto Press, 1977), p. 73, hereinafter referred to as “the English translation.”

[309] Quoted in William Doyle, The Oxford History of the French Revolution (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1989), p. 233.

[310] Quoted in Guerin, La Lutte de classes, vol. 1, p. 127; English translation, p. 90.

[311] Quoted in Morris Slavin, The Making of an Insurrection: Parisian Sections and the Gironde (Cambridge, Mass., and London: Harvard University Press, 1986), p. 139.

[312] Ibid., p. 72

[313] Ibid., p. 73.

[314] Ibid., p. 74.

[315] R.B. Rose, The Making of the Sans-Culottes: Democratic Ideas and Institutions in Paris, 1789–92 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1983), pp. 171–2.

[316] R.B. Rose, The Enrages: Socialists of the French Revolution? (Melbourne: Melbourne University Press, 1965), p. 25. Rose wisely puts a question mark after his subtitle. There is very little reason, if any, to believe that the enragis were “socialists” in any sense comparable to the word’s meaning, which was created a generation later.

[317] The complex events have been ably researched by Morris Slavin in his French Revolution in Miniature and Making of an Insurrection.

[318] Slavin, Making of an Insurrection, p. 143.

[319] See R.B. Rose, Enragis, p. 25, note 2, which cites original sources to disprove the flippant treatment of a number of historians of the Committee of Nine’s original intentions to completely abolish the Commune.

[320] Guerin’s opinion that it may have been Varlet appears in La Lutte de classes, vol. 1, p. 121; it is not presented in the English translation. Guerin’s opinion seems highly plausible; it is very unlikely that the meeting would have exhibited “indignation” and “horreur” if the citizen were just an ordinary individual rather than a prominent radical like Varlet.

[321] All quotations in this paragraph are from Gulrin, La Lutte de classes, vol. 1, pp. 121–2; English translation, pp. 86–7.

[322] Quoted in Slavin, French Revolution, p. 155.

[323] Quoted in Slavin, Making of an Insurrection, p. 105.

[324] Ibid., p. 104.

[325] Quoted ibid., p. 146.

[326] Quoted ibid., p. 105.

[327] Quoted ibid., p. 111.

[328] Quoted ibid., p. 144.

[329] Quoted ibid., p. 115.

[330] Quoted Guerin, La Lutte de classes, vol. l,p. 125; English translation, p. 89.

[331] Quoted in Christopher Hibbert, The Days of the French Revolution (New York; William Morrow & Co., 1980), p. 201.

[332] It is worth noting that Slavin draws much the same conclusion as mine: “If a few hotheads among the Conventionnels had made a threatening move and their counterparts among the troops had fired on them, the whole Convention could have been massacred on the spot.” Making of an Insurrection, p. 115.

[333] Quoted in Hibbert, Days of the French Revolution, p. 201.

[334] Slavin, Making of an Insurrection, p. 162.

[335] “Ne terminez pas votre carritre avec ignominie!” Roux’s belligerent speech appears as “Convention nationale, stance du 25 juin (soir),” in Jacques Roux, Scripta et acta: Textes prisentis par Walter Markov (Berlin: Akademie-Verlag, 1969), pp. 488–90.

[336] Quoted in Louis R. Gottschalk, Jean Paul Marat: A Study in Radicalism (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1967), p. 188.

[337] Albert Goodwin, The French Revolution, rev. ed. (New York: Harper & Row, 1966), p. 143.

[338] Quoted in Morris Slavin, The Making of an Insurrection: Parisian Sections and the Gironde (Cambridge, Mass., and London: Harvard University Press, 1986), p. 139.

[339] “The Law of Suspects,” September 17,1793, in Documentary Survey of the French Revolution, ed. John Hall Stewart (New York: Macmillan Co., 1951), p. 478.

[340] Albert Soboul, The Sans Culottes: The Popular Movement and Revolutionary Government, 1793–1794, trans. R6my Inglis Hall (1968; New York: Doubleday & Co., 1972), p. 190.

[341] Quoted ibid., p. 172.

[342] Maximilien Robespierre,“Speech on Property in the National Convention, April 24, 1793,” in Raymond Postgate, ed., Revolution from 1789 to 1906 (London: Grant Richards, 1920), pp. 43–4.

[343] Quoted in Daniel Gu6rin, La Lutte de classes sous la Premitre Rtpublique, vol. 2 (Paris: Librairie Gallimard, 1946), p. 101.

[344] “Htlas! it qui se fier maintenant?’ Quoted ibid., p. 131.

[345] Albert Goodwin, The French Revolution (London: Hutchinson, 1953; New York: Harper &Row, 1966), p. 156.

[346] Danton and Robespierre quoted in Christopher Hibbert, The Days of the French Revolution (New York: William Morrow 8t Co., 1980), p. 237.

[347] Desmoulins quoted ibid., p. 236.

[348] Saint-Just quoted ibid., p. 236.

[349] Danton quoted ibid., pp. 238–9.

[350] Quoted ibid., p. 243.

[351] Quoted ibid., pp. 248,244.

[352] Quoted ibid., p. 246.

[353] See volume 1 of The Third Revolution, pp. 112–16.

[354] For a fuller discussion of artisanal socialism, see Chapter 24. As G.D.H. Cole observes, the word socialism in the early nineteenth century acquired a family of meanings. Minimally, it meant “collective regulation of men’s affairs on a cooperative basis.” Socialists at that time might make no reference to class conflict, for example, and “they all attacked the undue inequality of property and income and they demanded the regulation and limitation of property rights”—which did not necessarily mean its abolition. G.D.H. Cole, A History of Socialist Thought, vol. 1: The Forerunners (London: Macmillan, 1961), pp. 4–5.

[355] Sylvain Marechal, “Manifesto of Equals” (April 1796), in Socialist Thought: A Documentary History, ed. Albert Fried and Ronald Sanders (New York Doubleday, 1964), pp. 52, 55, 53; emphases in the original.

[356] “Babeuf’s Defense” (Vendome, February-May 1797), in Socialist Thought, ed. Fried and Sanders, pp. 67–8; emphases in the original.

[357] George Lichtheim, The Origins of Socialism (New York: Frederick A Praeger, 1969), p. 135.

[358] David Ricardo, The Principles of Political Economy and Taxation (1817; London: Everyman, 1926), p. 52.

[359] In this connection, Marx and Engels, in their early writings, used a vocabulary that was more anticipatory of future developments than it was applicable in their day. In the midnineteenth century on the continent, artisans predominated in manufacturing and industrial proletarians were still comparatively rare, yet Marx often used the word proletarian to refer to the working class even when its was still artisanal. By the same token, he used the word bourgeoisie even at a time when the “bourgeoisie” was more invested in land than in industry. In the 1870s, especially after his fights with the followers of Proudhon, Marx used these terms with greater discrimination.

[360] Tom Kemp, Economic Forces in French History (London: Dennis Dobson, 1971), p. 102.

[361] Ibid., pp. 103–4.

[362] Gwyn A Williams, Artisans and Sans-Culottes (London: Edward A Arnold, 1968), p. 114.

[363] Harry W. Laidler, History of Socialism (New York: Thomas Y. Crowell, 1968), p. 97.

[364] Pamela Pilbeam, The 1830 Revolution in France (New York: Si Martin’s Press, 1991), p. 21.

[365] Arnold Ruge, Zwei Jahre in Paris (Leipzig, 1846), quoted in David McLellan, Karl Marx: His Life and Thought (New York: Harper and Row, 1973), p. 62.

[366] Louis Chevalier, Laboring Classes and Dangerous Classes in Paris During the First Half of the Nineteenth Century, trans. Frank Jellinek (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1973), p. 189.

[367] Alexis de Tocqueville, The Recollections of Alexis de Tocqueville, trans. Alexander Teixeira de Mattos (New York: Macmillan, 1896), p. 163.

[368] Louis-Auguste Blanqui, Critique sociale (Paris: Felix Alcan, 1885), quoted in Alan B. Spitzer, The Revolutionary Theories of Louis Auguste Blanqui (New York: AMS Press, 1970), pp. 105 and 108.

[369] Louis Blanc, Organization du travail quoted in Hany W. Laidler. History of Socialism (New York Thomas Y. Crowell, 1968), p. 63. Mane gave a very similar discussion in his Critique of the Gotha Program.

[370] Louis Blanc, 1848. Historical Revelations: Inscribed to Lord Normanby (London: Chapman and Hall, 1858), p. 109. This virtually forgotten account of the 1848 Revolution contains one of the ablest expositions of “wants” written by any communist and warrants careful rereading. The rather sophomoric criticism of communism is sometimes made that individuals who are free to take as much as they want might very well exhaust the common pool and render a communist society impossible; a coercive authority, such as a state bureaucracy, would therefore be necessary to allocate available goods. Blanc’s qualification that “wants” or “needs” would be circumscribed by the “resources of the community” answers this claim. It would obviously be the responsibility of the community to decide, in a rational and democratic manner, what was available.

[371] Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, General Idea of the Revolution in the Nineteenth Century (1851), trans. John Beverly Robinson (London: Pluto Press, 1989), pp. 78–80. The word mutuaiist was minted by the silk weavers of Lyons, who waged two great insurrections in the early 1830s, long before Proudhon came to prominence. They used the term to denote a kind of guild communalism that emerged from their own experience, rather than from the ideas of Proudhon or any other thinker.

[372] George Lichtheim, The Origins of Socialism (New York Frederick A. Praeger, 1969), p. 90.

[373] Proudhon, General Idea of the Revolution, pp 83–4.

[374] Ibid, pp 84–5.

[375] Ibid, p. 89

[376] Bernard H. Moss, The Origins of the French Labor Movement, 1830–1914: The Socialism of Skilled Workers (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California PTess, 1976), pp. 6–7. Among the “circle of French intellectuals” who gave Proudhonism this syndicalist spin, Moss cites Jules L. Puech, Gaetan Pirou, and Maxime Leroy.

[377] Quoted in David H. Pinkney, The French Revolution of 1830 (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1972), p. lln.

[378] Quoted in ibid., p. 20.

[379] Martial de Guemon-Ranville, Journal d’un ministre (Caen, 1873), quoted in David H. Pinkney, The French Revolution of 1830 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1972), p. 75.

[380] Pinkney, French Revolution oj 1830, pp. 255–6.

[381] Francois-Rene de Chateaubriand, Memoires d’outre-tombe (Paris, n.d.), quoted in Arnold Whitridge, Men in Crisis: The Revolutions of 1848 (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1949), p. 21.

[382] Quoted in Pinkney, French Revolution of 1830, p. 194.

[383] Priscilla Robertson, Revolutions of 1848: A Social History (New York: Harper & Row, 1952), p. 15.

[384] William L. Langer, Political and Social Upheaval, 1832–1852 (New York: Harper & Row, 1969), p. 52.

[385] Pinkney, French Revolution of 1830, p. 367.

[386] Pamela Pilbeam, The 1830 Revolution in France (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1991), p. 93.

[387] Pinkney, French Revolution of 1830, p. 367.

[388] J. Tchemoff, Le Parti republicaine sous la monarchic de Juillet (Paris: A Pedone, 1901), p. 261; quoted by Alan B. Spitzer, The Revolutionary Theories of Louis Auguste Blanqui (New York: AMS Press, 1970), p. 6.

[389] Blanqui quoted in Samuel Bernstein, Auguste Blanqui and the Art of Insurrection (London: Lawrence & Wishart, 1971), p. 47.

[390] Quoted by Maurice Dommanget, Auguste Blanqui: Des Origines a la revolution de 1848: Premiers combats et premieres prisons (Paris and La Haye: Mouton, 1969), p. 99.
Even more than Danton a half-century earlier, Blanqui developed the technique of turning the tables on prosecutors and judges, transforming the accused into the accuser and his trials into forums for advancing his ideas. His stays in prison, too, became educational experiences for other political prisoners, many of whom he recruited to his ideas.

[391] Louis Blanc, The History of Ten Yean: 1830 to 1840, vol. 2 (London: Chapman & Hall, 1845), p. 30.

[392] Ibid., pp. 31–2 Blanc’s apparently firsthand account seems more reliable than others that place the red flag, not in the hand of the anonymous “stranger,” but on Lamarque’s coffin. This would have been impossible, especially since Lafayette, one of the leading figures in the cortege, certainly would never have assented to such a gesture.

[393] Although the appearance of the horseman at Lamarque’s funeral cortege has been cited as the first time the red flag was raised in Paris, it had already been raised the year before, in 1831, in an insurrection at Lyon, and it was to reappear in French uprisings throughout the 1830s.

[394] Max Nomad, Apostles of Revolution (New York: Collier Books, 1961), p. 27.

[395] David H. Pinkney, Decisive Years in France: 1840–47 (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1986), p. 13.

[396] Ibid, p. 19.

[397] Bernard H. Moss, The Origins of the French Labor Movement, 1830–1914: The Socialism of Skilled Workers (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1976), p. 32.

[398] Quoted in William H. Sewell, Jr., Work and Revolution in France: The Language of Labor from the Old Regime to 1848 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1980), p. 210.

[399] Ibid.

[400] Quoted in ibid, p. 212.

[401] Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, General Idea of the Revolution in the Nineteenth Century, trans. John Beverley Robinson (1923; London: Pluto Press, 1989), p. 98.

[402] G.D.H. Cole, A History of Socialist Thought, vol. 1: The Forerunners, 1789–1850 (London: Macmillan, 1962), p. 168.

[403] Alexis de Tocqueville, The Recollections of Alexis de Tocqueville, trans. Alexander Teixeira de Mattos (New York: Macmillan, 1896), p. 14.

[404] Mark Traugott, Armies of the Poor: Determinants of Working-Class Participation in the Parisian Insurrection of June 1848 (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1985), p. 11.

[405] Ibid.

[406] Quoted in Arnold Whitridge, Men in Crisis: The Revolutions of 1848 (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1949), p. 28.

[407] Tocqueville, Recollections, pp. 30–1.

[408] Louis Marc Caussidiere, Memoires (London, 1848), in 1848 in France, ed. Roger Price, Documents of Revolution series (London: Thames & Hudson; Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1975), pp. 54–5.

[409] Priscilla Robertson. Revolutions of 1848: A Social History (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1952), p. 35.

[410] John Plamenatz, The Revolutionary Movement in France, 1815–71 (London: Longmans, Green, 1952), p. 64.

[411] Daniel Stem (pseud, for the Countess d’Agoult), Histoire de la revolution de 1848 (Paris: Gustave Sandre, 1850), vol. 1, p. 135. The appearance of this red flag was in “formal contravention of the orders given by the office of the Riforme and in other centers,” which had explicitly prohibited the “hoisting of any flag other than the tricolor, and against uttering any cry other than ‘Vive la reforme!”’ If D’Agoult’s account is accurate, the self-appointed leaders of the journee were trying to confine the masses to stricdy legislative demands, rather than demands to alter the structure of the government. Lamartine agrees with her that a red flag was present; see Alphonse de Lamartine, History of the French Revolution of 1848 (London: Bell & Daldy, 1871), p. 56.

[412] Lamartine, French Revolution of 1848, p. 54.

[413] Stem, Histoire de la revolution, pp. 137–8.

[414] Ibid, pp. 140–1.

[415] Ibid, p. 140.

[416] Alexis de Tocqueville, The Recollections of Alexis de Tocqueville, trans. Alexander Teixeira de Mattos (New York: Macmillan, 1896), pp. 66–7.

[417] According to Neil Stewart, the list did not include the names of Flocon, Marrast, Blanc, and Albert, and it was read out to the crowd at the Palais-Bourbon by Ledru- Rollin. See Neil Stewart, Blanqui (London: Victor Gollancz, 1939), p. 99.1 have chosen to follow Tocqueville’s account, as he was in attendance.

[418] Tocqueville, Recollections, p. 70.

[419] Ibid, p. 71.

[420] Alphonse de Lamartine, History of the French Revolution of 1848, trans. unknown (London: Bell & Daldy, 1851), p. 128. Aside from Lamartine’s insufferable verbosity and tendentiousness, his is one of the most detailed accounts of the establishment of the Provisional Government.

[421] Louis Blanc, 1848: Historical Revelations (London: Chapman and Hall, 1858), pp. 16–17.

[422] Ibid, p. 19.

[423] Albert’s name and background gave a plebeian veneer to the Provisional Government. The ministers consistently called him Albert, to the point that he threatened to resign if they continued to address him disdainfully by only a Christian name, as though he were not their social equal.

[424] Quoted in ibid, pp. 29, 30, 32.

[425] Karl Marx, The Class Struggles in France, in Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, Collected Works, vol. 10: Marx and Engels 1849–1851 (New York: International Publishers, 1978), p. 54.

[426] Blanc, Historical Revelations, p. 31.

[427] Lamartine, French Revolution of 1848, p. 180.

[428] Ibid, p. 234.

[429] Ibid, p. 230.

[430] Ibid, pp. 218, 219–20.

[431] Blanc, Historical Revelations, pp. 81–2.

[432] Quoted in Georges Duveau, 1848: The Making of a Revolution, trans. Anne Carter (New York: Random House, 1967), p. 66.

[433] William H. Sewell, Jr., “Artisans, Factory Workers, and the Formation of the French Working Class, 1789–1848,” in Working-Class Formations: Nineteenth-Century Patterns in Western Europe and the United States, ed. Ira Katznelson and Aristide R. Zolberg (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1986), pp. 65–6.

[434] Blanc, Historical Revelations, p. 126.

[435] Ibid, p. 129.

[436] Ibid, pp. 129–30.

[437] William H. Sewell, Jr., “Property, Labor, and the Emergence of Socialism in France, 1789–1848,” in Consciousness and Class Experience in Nineteenth-Century Europe, ed. John M. Merriman (New York and London: Holmes & Meier, 1979), p. 59.

[438] Emile Thomas, “Conversations with M. Marie,” from Histoire des ateliers nationaux; in Revolution from 1789 to 1906, ed. Raymond Postgate (New York: Harper & Row, 1962), pp. 201–2.

[439] Marx, Class Struggles in France, p 55.

[440] Blanqui quoted in Alphonse Lucas, Les Clubs et les clubistes (Paris, 1851), in 1848 in France, ed. Roger Price, Documents of Revolution series (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press; London: Thames and Hudson, 1975), p. 72.

[441] Peter H. Amann, Revolution and Mass Democracy: The Paris Club Movement in 1848 (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1975), pp. 34, 35.

[442] Ibid., p. 41.

[443] Ibid., p. 62.

[444] Ibid., p. 200.

[445] Ibid

[446] William H. Sewell, Jr., Work and Revolution in France: The Language of Labor from the Old Regime to 1848 (New York and London: Cambridge University Press, 1980), p. 255.

[447] Ibid.

[448] Alphonse de Lamartine, History of the French Revolution of 1848, trans. unknown (London: Bell & Daldy, 1871), p. 226.

[449] Alexis de Tocqueville, The Recollections of Alexis de Tocqueville, trans. Alexander Teixeira de Mattos (New York: Macmillan, 1896), p. 179.

[450] Emile Thomas, “Conversations with M. Marie,” from Historic des ateliers nationaux, Document 85 in Revolution from 1789 to 1906, ed. Raymond Postgate (New York: Harper and Row, 1962), pp. 201–2.

[451] Georges Duveau, 1848: The Making of a Revolution, trans. Anne Carter (New York: Random House, 1967), p. 67.

[452] Emile Thomas quoted in Louis Blanc, 1848: Historical Revelations (London: Chapman & Hall, 1858), p. 146.

[453] Ibid., p. 198.

[454] Karl Marx, The Class Struggles in France, in Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, Collected Works, vol. 10: Marx-Engels: 1849–51 (New York: International Publishers, 1978), p. 47.

[455] Blanqui quoted in Samuel Bernstein, Auguste Blanqui and the Art of Insurrection (London: Lawrence & Wishart, 1971), p. 150.

[456] Priscilla Robertson, Revolutions of 1848: A Social History (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press; 1952), p. 66.

[457] Duveau, Making of a Revolution, p. 82.

[458] Max Nomad, Apostles of Revolution (New York: Collier Books, 1961), p. 42.

[459] Blanc, Historical Revelations, p. 309. Actually, this man was Benjamin Flotte, one of the demonstration’s organizers.

[460] Menard quoted in Mark Traugott, The Armies of the Poor: Determinants of Working- Class Participation in the Parisian Insurrection of June 1848 (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1985), p. 20.

[461] Sand quoted in Duveau, Making of a Revolution, p. 89.

[462] Marx, Class Struggles in France, p. 65; emphasis in the original. Blanc’s evidence about the secret meeting between Blanqui and Lamartine appears in his Historical Revelations, pp. 338–42.

[463] Blanc, Historical Revelations, pp. 316–17; emphasis in the original.

[464] Duveau, Making of a Revolution, p. 92.

[465] M. Prat (delegate of the Club of Clubs), Report from Saint-Cloud (April 13,1848); in 1848 in France, ed. Roger Price, Documents of Revolution series (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press; London: Thames and Hudson, 1975), p. 90.

[466] Bernstein, Blanqui and the Art of Insurrection, p. 176.

[467] Les Murailles revohitionnaire de 1848, in 1848 in France, ed. Price, p. 70.

[468] Le National, May 16, 1848, in 1848 in France, ed. Price, p. 98.

[469] “Documents Prepared for Issue in the Event of the Success of the Revolt of May 15,” Document 91, reproduced in Revolution from 1789 to 1906, ed. Postgate, pp. 207–9.

[470] As reported in La Liberte (Rouen, May 17, 1848), in 1848 in France, ed. Price, p. 99.

[471] Duveau, Making of a Revolution, p. 120.

[472] “Decrees Actually Issued by Barbes During his One-Hour Occupation of the Hotel de Ville, May 15,” Document 92 in Revolution From 1789 to 1906, ed. Postgate, p. 2C9.

[473] Robertson, Revolutions of 1848, p. 86.

[474] Daniel Stem (pseud, for Countess d’Agoult), Histoire de la revolution francaise, vol. 3 (Paris: Gustave Sandre Librairie, 1853), p. 125.

[475] Workers of the nineteenth brigade of the National Workshops, “Reponse des ouvriers a Dupin” (undated); in Roger Price, ed., 1848 in France, Documents of Revolution series (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press; and London: Thames and Hudson, 1975), p. 104.

[476] Quoted in John M. Merriman, The Agony of the Republic: The Repression of the Left in Revolutionary France, 1848–1851 (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1978), p. 51.

[477] Alexis de Tocqueville, The Recollections of Alexis de Tocqueville, trans. Alexander Teixeira de Mattos (New York: Macmillan, 1896), pp. 187–8.

[478] Karl Marx, The Class Struggles in France, in Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, Collected Works, vol. 10: Marx-Engels 1849–1851 (New York International Publishers, 1978), p. 70.

[479] Peter H. Amann, Revolution and Mass Democracy: The Paris Club Movement in 1848 (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1975), pp. 290–2.

[480] “Decree on the Workshops Prepared for May 24, Issued June 21,” Document 93 in Revolution from 1789 to 1905, ed. Raymond Postgate (New York: Harper & Row, 1920), p. 210.

[481] Priscilla Robertson, Revolutions of 1848: A Social History (New York: Harper & Row, 1952), p. 85.

[482] Louis Blanc, 1848: Historical Revelations (London: Chapman & Hall, 1858), pp. 425–6.

[483] Blanc, Historical Revelations, p. 427.

[484] Le Constitutional (June 23, 1848), in 1848 in France, ed. Price, p. 103.

[485] Blanc, Historical Revelations, p. 429.

[486] Tocqueville, Recollections, p. 191.

[487] Alexander Herzen, My Past and Thoughts, trans. Constance Gamett (London: Chatto & Windus, 1925), vol. 4, pp. 3–4.

[488] Tocqueville, Recollections, p. 187.

[489] Blanc, Historical Revelations, p. 436.

[490] Amann, Revolution and Mass Democracy, pp. 298–9.

[491] Tocqueville, Recollections, p. 192.

[492] Victor Hugo, Choses vues (Paris, 1918), quoted in Georges Duveau, 1848: The Making of a Revolution, trans. Anne Carter (New York: Random House, 1967), p. 134.

[493] J.-J. Guillet, “On Behalf of the Citizens on Guard at the Maine of the 8^thArrondissement” (n.d.), Document 96a in Revolution from 1789 to 1906, ed. Postgate, p. 214.

[494] Duveau, Making of a Revolution, p. 156.

[495] Herzen, My Past and Thoughts, vol. 4, pp. 4–5.

[496] Louis Blanc, untitled excerpt, Document 100 in Revolution from 1789 to 1906, ed. Postgate, p. 216.

[497] “Decree of 28 July 1848,” in 1848 in France, ed. Price, pp. 119–20.

[498] Memorial bordelais, July 18, 1848, in 1848 in France, ed. Price, p. 122.

[499] La Reforme, August 21, 1848, in 1848 in France, ed. Price, p. 126.

[500] Bernard H. Moss, The Origins of the French Labor Movement, 1830–1914: The Socialism of Skilled Workers (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1976), pp. 45–6.

[501] Le Nationale, May 22, 1849, in 1848 in France, ed. Price, p. 137.

[502] Robertson, Revolutions of 1848, pp. 365, 367.

[503] Marx, Class Struggles in France, p. 106.

[504] Mary Lynn Steward-McDougall, The Artisan Republic: Revolution, Reaction, and Resistance in Lyon, 1848–1851 (Kingston and Montreal: McGill-Queens University Press, 1984), p. 154.

[505] “Proclamation by the President of the Republic” (December 2, 1851), in 1848 in France, ed. Price, p. 154.

[506] “Report from the Armee de Paris” (December 4, 1851), in 1848 in France, ed. Price, p. 157.

[507] Raymond de Breda, letter to General Pelissier (December 14, 1851), in 1848 in France, ed. Price, p. 157.

[508] George Woodcock, Anarchism: A History of Libertarian Ideas and Movements (New York: World Publishing Co, 1962), p. 130. Woodcock’s reference to “that happy age” is quite inaccurate. Many French prisoners, including Blanqui, were treated very harshly and either became seriously ill or died as a result of their suffering.

[509] David McClellan, Karl Marx: His Life and Thought (New York: Harper & Row, 1973), p. 231.

[510] Marx quoted in Stephan Bom, Erinnerungen, p. 102, in ibid, p. 202.

[511] P. H. Noyes, Organization and Revolution: Working-Class Associations in the German Revolutions of 1848–1849 (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1966), p. 123.

[512] Ibid.

[513] Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, “Address of the Central Committee to the Communist League” (March 1850); in Marx and Engels, Collected Works, vol. 10: Marx and Engels 1849–1851 (New York: International Publishers, 1978), p. 283.1 am using the standard English title for this work, despite the title given it in Collected Works, “Address of the Central Authority to the League.”

[514] Ibid, p. 285.

[515] Karl Marx, “Inaugural Address of the Working Men’s International Association” and “Provisional Rules of the Association,” in Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, Collected Works, vol. 20: Marx-Engels 1864–1868 (New York: International Publishers, 1985), pp. 5–16.

[516] Karl Marx, letter to Engels, November 4, 1864, in Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, Collected Works, vol. 42: Marx-Engels 1864–1868 (New York: International Publishers, 1987), p. 18.

[517] Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, On the Political Capacity of the Working Classes (1865); excerpted in Selected Writings of P.-]. Proudhon, ed. Stewart Edwards (New York: Doubleday, 1969), pp. 62–3; emphasis added.

[518] Henryk Katz, The Emancipation of Labor: A History of the First International (New York: Greenwood Press, 1992), p. 44.

[519] Eugene Varlin was erroneously referred to as “Jean Varlin” on page vii of volume 1 of The Third Revolution.

[520] Quoted in Katz, The Emancipation of Labor, p. 45.

[521] Ibid, p. 25.

[522] Ibid, p. 44.

[523] Marx, letter to Engels, November 4, 1864, Collected Works, vol. 42, pp. 18–19.

[524] Franz Mehring, Karl Marx: The Story of His Life, trans. Edward Fitzgerald (New York: Covici, Friede, 1935), p. 434.

[525] The word for confederalism commonly used in Europe at this time was federalism. I am using confederalism here because federalism has since come to mean an association of small states held together by a fairly centralized nation-state.

[526] Bakunin to Marx, December 22, 1868, quoted in Anthony Masters, Bakunin: The Father of Anarchism (New York: E.P. Dutton, 1974), p. 181.

[527] See Michael Bakunin, “Principles and Organization of the International Brotherhood” (1866), in Michael Bakunin: Selected Writings, ed. Arthur Lehning (New York: Grove Press, n.d.), pp. 64–93, esp. pp. 69, 70–1.

[528] Michael Bakunin, “Program and Purpose of the Revolutionary Organization of International Brothers,” in Michael Bakunin: Selected Writings, ed. Arthur Lehning (New York: Grove Press, n.d.), p. 172. There is a good deal of confusion over which program of the International Brotherhood is more definitive. Certainly the more comprehensive is the “Principles and Organization of the International Brotherhood” (also in the Lehning collection), which is nearly four times as long as the “Program and Purpose.” support as well as Marx’s, centralized the International far more than it had been in the past.

[529] Bakunin on Anarchy, ed. Sam Dolgoff (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1972), pp. 21819.

[530] G.D.H. Cole, A History of Socialist Thought, vol. 2: Marxism and Anarchism, 1850–1890 (London: Macmillan, 1961), p. 130.

[531] David H. Pinkney, Napoleon III and the Rebuilding of Paris (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1958), p. 7.

[532] Tom Kemp, Economic Forces in French History (London: Dennis Dobson, 1971), p. 178.

[533] Quoted in Stewart Edwards, The Paris Commune: 1871 (New York: Quadrangle Books, 1971), p. 54.

[534] Samuel Bernstein, Auguste Blanqui and the Art of Insurrection (London: Lawrence & Wishart, 1971), p. 320.

[535] “First Proclamation of the Central Committee of the Twenty Arrondissements” (September 15, 1870), in The Communards of Paris, 1871, ed. Stewart Edwards, Documents of Revolution series (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1973), pp. 44–6.

[536] Le Combat (September 21, 1870), quoted in Edwards, Paris Commune, p. 73.

[537] “Appeal to the Paris Population by the Central Committee of the Twenty Arrondissements to Hold Elections,” Le Combat (October 5, 1870), in Communards of Paris, ed. Edwards, p. 47.

[538] Quoted in Edwards, Paris Commune, p. 72.

[539] Ibid., p. 71.

[540] Poster Issued by the Central Committee of the Twenty Arrondissements, January 6, 1871, in Communards of Paris, ed. Edwards, p. 49.

[541] A A Ducrot, La Defense de Paris (1870–1871), vol. 4 (Paris, 1875–78), quoted in Edwards, Paris Commune, pp. 104–5.

[542] Edwards, Paris Commune, p. 113.

[543] “Formation by the Vigilance Committees of a ‘Revolutionary Socialist party’” (February 20 and 23, 1871), in Communards of Paris, ed. Edwards, p. 54.

[544] Prosper-Olivier Lissagaray, History of the Commune of 1871, trans. Eleanor Marx Aveling (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1967), p. 91. Lissagaray was a participant in the Commune.

[545] Stewart Edwards, The Paris Commune, 1871 (New York Quadrangle Books, 1971), p. 150.

[546] Lissagaray, History of the Commune, p. 90.

[547] Ibid., p. 92.

[548] “Appeal to the Departments,” Journal ojfiael (March 20, 1871), quoted in Edwards, Paris Commune, p. 155.

[549] Edwards, Paris Commune, p. 146.

[550] Ibid., p. 155.

[551] Journal officiel (March 21, 1871), in The Communards of Paris, 1871, ed. Stewart Edwards, Documents of Revolution series (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press; London: Thames and Hudson, 1973), pp. 68–9.

[552] Jules Valles, in Le Cri du Peuple (March 30, 1871); in Communards of Paris, ed. Edwards, p. 74.

[553] Document 50 in Communards of Paris, ed. Edwards, p. 140.

[554] L. Barron, Sous le drapeau rouge (Paris, 1889); Document 51 in Communards of Paris, ed. Edwards, p. 142.

[555] Le Sociale (Mar. 31, 1871); quoted in Edwards, Paris Commune, p. 261.

[556] Samuel Bernstein, Auguste Blanqui and the Art of Insurrection (London: Lawrence & Wishart, 1971), p. 337.

[557] “Declaration to the French People,” originally published in English in the London Times (April 21, 1871); republished with corrections in Communards of 1871, ed. Edwards, pp. 81–3.

[558] Ibid.

[559] Ibid.

[560] Roger V. Gould, Insurgent Identities: Class, Community and Protest in Paris from 1848 to the Commune (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1995), p. 168.

[561] Edwards, Paris Commune, p. 281.

[562] Cited in Arthur Adamov, La Commune de Paris, 18 Mars-28 Mai 1871 (Paris: Editions Sociales, 1959), p. 30, emphasis in the original.

[563] Edwards, Paris Commune, p. 198.

[564] Lissagaray, History of the Commune, pp. 164–5.

[565] Cited in Alistair Home, The Fall of Paris: The Siege and the Commune of 1871 (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1965), p. 364.

[566] Lissagaray, History of the Commune, p. 309.

[567] Charles Delescluze, “To the People of Paris, to the National Guards” (May 21,1871), in Communards of Paris, ed. Edwards, p. 160.

[568] Lissagaray, History of the Commune, p. 314.

[569] Edwards, Paris Commune, p. 319.

[570] Blanqui, “Instruction for an Armed Uprising,” quoted in Edwards, Paris Commune, p. 319.

[571] Quoted in Edith Thomas, The Women Incendiaries, trans. James and Starr Atkinson (London: Seeker & Warburg, 1967), p. 170.

[572] Ibid.

[573] London Daily News (June 8, 1871), quoted in Karl Marx, The Civil War in France, note 1, in Karl Marx and Fredenck Engels, Collected Works, vol. 22: Marx and Engels, 1870–71 (New York: International Publishers, 1986), p. 356.

[574] G.D.H. Cole, Socialist Thought, vol. 2: Marxism and Anarchism (London: Macmillan, 1961), p. 168.

[575] For an exposition of libertarian municipalism, see Murray Bookchin, From Urbanization to Cities (1986; London: Cassell, 1996).

[576] Originally published in English in the London Times (April 21, 1871), with corrections in Stewart Edwards, ed., The Communards of 1871, Documents of Revolution series (Ithaca, N Y.: Cornell University Press; London: Thames & Hudson, 1973), pp. 81–3.

[577] Karl Marx, The Civil War in France, in Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, Collected Works, vol. 22: Marx-Engels 1870–71 (New York: International Publishers, 1986), p. 331.

[578] Karl Marx, “Critique of the Gotha Program,” in Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, Collected Works, vol. 24: Marx and Engels 1874–1883 (New York: International Publishers, 1989), p. 95.

[579] Charles Tilly and Lynn H. Lees, “The People of June, 1848,” in Revolution and Reaction: 1848 and the Second French Republic, ed. Roger Price (London: Croom Helm, 1975).

[580] The idea of two parallel confederations—one linking local or municipal trades, the other linking industries—was pioneered by Proudhon in Du Principe federatif (1863), volume 15 of Oeuvres completes de P.-J. Proudhon (Paris: Librairie Marcel Riviere et Cie, 1959). He called the industrial structure “federation agricole-industrielle.” But Proudhon would have, opposed the general strike, insurrections, local economic strikes, and revolutionary militancy associated with syndicalism, which makes the extent of his contribution to the doctrine highly arguable.

[581] Peter A. Steams, Revolutionary Syndicalism and French Labor (New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press, 1971), p. 5.

[582] Karl Marx, Capital: A Critique of Political Economy, voL 1, trans. Samuel Moore and Edward Aveling, ed. Frederick Engels (Charles H. Kerr, 1906; republished by New York: Modem Library, n.d.), pp. 836–7. Due in no small part to Engels’s role in preparing it, this translation preserves Marx’s Hegelian modes of expression better than others.

[583] Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, “Address of the Central Committee to the Communist League” (or “Address of the Central Authority to the League”) in Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, Collected Works, vol. 10: Marx-Engels 1849–1851 (New York: International Publishers, 1978), pp. 277–87.

[584] Ibid. p. 286.

[585] Marx to Ferdinand Domela Nieuwenhuis (February 22, 1881), in Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, Collected Works, vol. 46: Marx and Engels 1880–1883 (New York. International Publishers, 1992), p. 66.

[586] Karl Marx, “On the Hague Congress,” originally published in La Liberte, no. 37 (September 15,1872), in Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, Collected Works, vol. 23: Marx and Engels, 1871–1874 (New York: International Publishers, 1988), p. 255; emphasis added.

[587] Gary P. Steenson, ‘‘Not One Man! Not One Penny!’’: German Social Democracy, 18631914 (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1981), pp. 31–2.

[588] Karl Marx, “Critique of the Gotha Program,” in Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, Collected Works, vol. 24: Marx-Engels 1874–1883 (New York: International Publishers, 1989), pp. 77–99. A full English translation of the Gotha Program appears as an appendix in Steenson’s book. I have taken the liberty of using the quotations from Marx’s Critique for my account of the program here.

[589] Quoted by Guenther Roth, The Social Democrats in Imperial Germany: A Study in Working-Class Isolation and National Integration (Totowa, N.J.: Bedminster Press, 1963), p. 79.

[590] Erfurt Program (1891), in Steenson, “Not One Man!” p. 247.

[591] Steenson, “Not One Man!” p. 248.

[592] Quoted in Roth, Social Democrats in Imperial Germany, p. 87.

[593] Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, “Address of the Central Committee to the Communist League” (or “Address of the Central Authority to the League”) in Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, Collected Works, vol. 10: Marx-Engels 1849–1851 (New York: International Publishers, 1978), pp. 286.

[594] Steenson, “Not One Man!” p. 103–4.

[595] Ibid, p. 104.

[596] Peter Gay, The Dilemma of Democratic Socialism (New York: Columbia University Press, 1952), p. 127.

[597] Quoted by Selig Perlman, A Theory of the Labor Movement (1928; Philadelphia: Porcupine Press, 1979), p. 100. The emphasis in this quotation is probably Perlman’s.

[598] David W. Morgan, The Socialist Left and the German Revolution: A History of the German Independent Social Democratic Party, 1917–1922 (Ithaca, N.Y., and London: Cornell University Press, 1975).

[599] Leon Trotsky, My Life (New York Pathfinder Press, 1970), p. 215.

[600] Quoted by Sir Valentine Chirol, Fifty Years in a Changing World (New York: Harcourt, 1928), p. 274.

[601] Quoted by G.D.H. Cole, A History of Socialism, vol. 3, part 1: The Second International, 1889–1914 (London: Macmillan, 1956), pp. 67–8.

[602] Ibid, p. 69.