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<p class="horizontal-left margin-5px font-family-tahoma">
Published: in <cite>International Council Correspondence</cite> Vol. 1, no.1, October 1934, pp 11-14.<br>Source: <a>Antonie Pannekoek Archives</a><br>Transcribed: by Graham Dyer
</p>

<hr><p class="horizontal-left margin-5px font-family-tahoma">Any speculation regarding the possibilities of the German labor
movement must take into account, not merely the aims of the various
organizations, but the structural transformations in modern society
during the last decade. This change in the economic setup, together with
its political consequences, is likewise the indispensable key to the
complete understanding of fascism.</p>

<p class="horizontal-left margin-5px font-family-tahoma">In the present crisis, the monopolist form of economy develops within
itself stagnating tendencies directed economically against the
laissez-faire principle and politically against "formal democracy". The
process of capital concentration, which continues during the crisis,
acts as a spur to all social groups, though it is only the working class
which can be moved into a genuine opposition to the existing order. The
economic dependence of the middle class allows it no policy of its own;
it develops only a backward ideology, since any social advance brings
with it the downfall of this class as a special group.</p>

<p class="horizontal-left margin-5px font-family-tahoma">The fact that the middle class has become the chief support of the
fascist movement is only a sign of its own historical insignificance.
The policies of the existing economic system cannot be subordinated to
the fascist ideology, and the louder that ideology cries, the more
surely it also destroys itself. Being incapable of bringing about a
revolutionary change in the economic system, fascism is compelled to
follow laws which simply force the impoverishment of the middle class as
well. The fascist <em>movement</em> must of necessity, in the course of
developments, shrink to a fascist <em>state apparatus</em> which has
openly to defend the interests of the economically strongest groups
against society as a whole. Practically, fascism can only be appraised
as the expression of the political necessities of the monopolistic
groups during the crisis. It is nothing other than the compulsion to
permanent terrorism against the working class; and this compulsion
results from the fact that the further endangering of industrial profits
by social unrest can no longer be tolerated, since the already
insufficient profit brings into question more and more the continued
existence of the economic system. Fascism, furthermore, has to wage the
class struggle against the class struggle which it denies, so as to
prepare the "nation" for the imperialistic clashes to be expected.</p>

<p class="horizontal-left margin-5px font-family-tahoma">As a result of the conflicts of interests within society - conflicts
deniable only in words, not in reality - fascism may change its leaders
and symbols or may even under certain circumstances, as a result of new
social upheavals, give place to a neo-democratic regime. But
practically, this transformation would be nothing more than an exchange
of leaders and symbols, since even the restored "democracy" would be
compelled to adopt the fascist policies. Even a democratically "minded"
state apparatus would have to protect the existing society with the
<em>necessary</em> means, which today are means of terrorism. Without
overlooking the differences between fascism and democracy, it may still
be said that both these social forms, within the framework of the
present system, have only the same possibilities of action, since
politics is always dictated by the economic necessities.</p>

<p class="horizontal-left margin-5px font-family-tahoma">From this standpoint, any struggle for democracy is only a pseudo
struggle. And for this reason, such a struggle is quite out of the
question for the workers, and can only be conducted by those groups
which are willing to play capitalistic politics, that is, merely want to
govern. This fight will not even be decided by the "fighters", but by
the processes within the economic system. Only the false assumption
that the present economy is still capable of further progressive
development can feed the illusion of a new democratic era.</p>

<p class="horizontal-left margin-5px font-family-tahoma">In Germany also, the real class struggle will not turn on the
question of democracy, and all attempts to erect a new labor movement on
this basis are doomed in advance. The efforts of the socialist movement
to get a new lease of life through the radicalizing of its phraseology
fall down on the objective impossibility of turning history backward.
The demand for the rehabilitation of democracy is no less laughable than
the faith of the fascist in the restoration of the "good old times".</p>

<p class="horizontal-left margin-5px font-family-tahoma">The attempts of the various communist groups to build up illegal
movements in the old party style show that they thoroughly share the
illusions of the socialist movement. Nothing has changed as regards the
idea held by these groups as to the role of the party. What was once
legal shall now continue to function illegally in the same form. They
completely fail to see that the old party movement was just an
expression of formal democracy, and could exist nowhere else. The party
is bound up with democracy; the one is not possible without the other.
Anyone who fancies that strong party organizations capable of playing a
decisive role in history can be built up anew, such a person must
necessarily, however much he may protest, believe in the possibility of
a new democratic era, and, like the fascists and socialists, is merely
intoxicating himself with traditions.</p>

<p class="horizontal-left margin-5px font-family-tahoma">Nothing is more naive than the various assertions of the different
political groups in Germany to the effect that they have so and so many
thousands of illegal members in their ranks. These computations can only
be made and peddled about in foreign countries. They are incapable of
proof, and spring only from the competitive needs of the various parties
in the countries which have not yet gone fascist. Those computations are
dubious for the very reason that there is absolutely no way of
<em>making</em> them; no controlled, illegal labor movement embraced on
party principles exists in Germany.</p>

<p class="horizontal-left margin-5px font-family-tahoma">It is true that the Communist Party succeeded, during the first few
months of the dictatorship, in leading portions of its non-renegade
membership to engage in pygmy demonstrations, in collecting dues from
the membership, in prompting them to the distribution of leaflets, etc.
But this activity was possible only because the fascist terror was still
lacking in system, and we find that the communist activity let up in the
same measure in which the fascist "Tcheka" spread its nets. This
"revolutionary" spirit of the C.P. - spirit which was asleep at the
proper moment, because it did not want that moment to come &ndash;
collapsed from its own senselessness. Thousands of fanaticized party
hangers-on drifted into the concentration camps for distributing
leaflets containing nothing more than the phrase, "Hands off the Soviet
Union". The fluctuation in membership was peculiar to the C.P. The S.P.
was composed of old fellows, incapable of changing, while the C.P. was
largely composed of younger elements which instead of convictions had
only uniforms to change. These deserters made it all the easier for
fascism to wipe out the illegal activity of the C.P. in the shortest
conceivable time. The gladiator politics of the C.P. was not even the
courage of despair, but served merely to justify the communist "thesis
constructors", who of course had asserted that the rule of Hitler could
only be of brief duration. The real relations of power contradicted this
criminal policy designed to conceal embarrassing facts, and under the ax
of the fascist executioners, the deepest-dyed party fanaticism went to
pieces.</p>

<p class="horizontal-left margin-5px font-family-tahoma">Though political groups were reorganized underground, the fascist
police also adjusted itself to underground pursuit. Day after day
occurred, and still occurs, the arrest of officials, the suppression of
meeting places, the seizure of contact men. What is built up today is
tomorrow already destroyed. Slowly but with deadly certainty, the very
beginnings of the illegal movement are blotted out. It was these
circumstances which first clearly revealed how deep the national
socialist ideology is still rooted even in the workers. They put
themselves willingly at the service of the authorities for the purpose
of exterminating "Marxism". A state of general distrust spread over the
movement. One who still sat in the "party" councils today might stand
revealed as a Nazi tomorrow. The ideological sway of the Nazis over the
great masses brought into the labor movement a state of oppressing
resignation and a feeling for the necessity of long-term change of
policy. Anything that escaped the hands of the Nazis fell foul of this
resignation. What remains is a very small circle of hounded
revolutionists who, in view of the true situation, rightly continue for
the present to keep their own company. The Party, to them, apart from a
few exceptions, means nothing any more. The "groups of five" include
workers from the most disparate camps of the old labor movement. The
groups themselves serve for the present merely to assure the mutual
understanding of those engaged in the movement; they refrain from all
outside activity.</p>

<p class="horizontal-left margin-5px font-family-tahoma">Having shattered the old labor movement, Fascism neither can nor will
permit the building up of another. What is more, with the further
deepening of the crisis, the terrorism must still continue to grow
sharper. The necessity of atomizing the masses politically or of
bringing them under the direct control of the fascist state apparatus
does not, however, do away with the economic necessity of bringing them
together in great numbers in the enterprises, industries, employment
bureaus, labor service camps, etc. The impossibility of forming strong
organizations does not abolish the class struggle itself; in the new
situation, it will simply assume new forms. The absence of dominant
permanent organizations will and can only lead to the extension of the
workers-council movement. The social development has reached a point
which makes the council movement the natural and only possible one. What
hitherto has been propaganda arises now from the relations themselves.
Since the class struggle, viewed as the essential form of historical
movement, is not susceptible of being forbidden, the struggle of the
workers for their existence must take the spontaneous character under
the fascist dictatorship and will be one with the organization. The
councils exist only so long as they are in action; they are in action as
soon as they exist. In order to be permanent, they have first to win.
They are at the same time the realization of the united front since they
are not bound together on the basis of ideologies, but are the
expression of the material life needs of the combatants without regard
to their ideology. They make a reality of what could hitherto be valid
only in words; namely, that the Revolution is not a party matter, but
the affair of the class.</p>

<p class="horizontal-left margin-5px font-family-tahoma">To avoid going off into empty speculation regarding the coming German
labor movement, it must be realized that the period of disintegration of
existing society constitutes a new historical epoch which follows its
own laws and not those of the past. The old party movement which
regarded itself as the <em> decisive</em> factor of the revolution was
in reality only a child of aspiring capitalism; a child which the
cannibalistic mother devours in the crisis. The setting in of this new
epoch is necessarily bound up with the end of democracy and hence with
the end of the previous labor movement. The past, to be sure, still
weighs upon the present and leads to the building of neo-socialist,
neo-communist and other such "neo" organizations, but all traditions
must yield in the face of the changed circumstances. The world crisis is
still in its first stage, the process of disintegration has only begun.
The farther this process advances, the more must the terrorism against
the workers be sharpened. But this terrorism serves for their political
education. In the course of development, fascism will be compelled to
destroy its own organizations; nature sets a limit even to the greatest
joy in thralldom. Famishing fascists cease to be fascists. Resignation
kills individuals, but not classes. Every attempt of the workers to ward
off their impoverishment will be combated in the manner in which
rebellions are put down. Thus even the most backward workers will be
compelled, in order to save themselves, to act as if they were conscious
revolutionists. Every assembly of workers becomes a reservoir of
revolutionary energies. The weakness of the illegal organizations will
not permit of any great degree of control over the masses. In committees
of action and workers councils they will create their own form of
organization and their own leadership. And it is only in these first
beginnings and their quantitative growth that the revolutionary movement
can be discerned.</p>

<p class="horizontal-left margin-5px font-family-tahoma">The tempo of this development is determined by that of the period of
disintegration. Unless there occurs a sudden and rapid deepening of the
crisis or unless a new war fundamentally changes the whole world
picture, nothing much of a surprising nature in reference to the labor
movement will happen in Germany in the near future. Of a restoration of
the labor movement upon the basis of the old, nothing of the sort need
be looked for. So that, so far as concerns the party movement, one will
have to deny its very existence. It is impossible to conceive of any way
in which it could set itself up as a quite special group, since the
movement is identical with the working class itself. And nevertheless,
still more surprisingly than did the fascists, that movement will one
day snatch the power into its hands.</p>
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