People :
Author : The Industrial Workers of the World (IWW)
Text :
The convention was called to order at 2 M.
THE CHAIRMAN: When the convention adjourned the status of delegates was under discussion. Delegate Hagerty has the floor.
DEL. T. J. HAGERTY: I wish to call the attention of those who have been discussing this question of representation to the paragraph in the call for this convention which sets forth in ummistakable terms the conditions upon which representation in this gathering is to be based, to wit: “Representation in the convention shall be based upon the number of workers whom the delegate represents. No delegate, however, shall be given representation in the convention on the numerical basis of the organization unless he has credentials bearing the seal of his union, local, national or international and the signatures of the officers thereof authorizing him to install his union as a working part of the proposed economic organization in the industrial department in which it logically belongs in the general plan of organization. Lacking this authority, the delegate shall represent himself as an individual.” There is some question only, as far as I can learn, in regard to the interpretation of the last clause of that paragraph, namely, “Lacking this authority, the delegate shall represent himself as an individual.” One or two men with whom I have talked seem to think that they can represent themselves as individuals without binding themselves to become members of the new economic organization. It strikes me that the simplest intellectual honesty would permit of no other interpretation than that the individual who takes part in the deliberations of this convention should pledge himself to become a part of the proposed revolutionary economic organization. If he does not so pledge himself, then he is here under false pretenses. (Applause).
If he does not so pledge himself because of fear of losing his daily wage, because of the pressure of the craft to which he belongs, then certainly he ought to have no right to vote upon these vital matters. Some arrangement, of course, may be made by which he can become a member-at-large, and if conditions require he may also remain in his craft; but it strikes me that this representation on the numerical basis should be interpreted in regard to those delegates here who may possibly give, by reason of the delegated votes which they control, an appearance of cesarism to this convention, which would be most undesirable, and that this clause should be interpreted by the convention as limiting these delegates to the actual number which they represent.
DEL. ARNOLD: I am here representing 850 members of the Journeyman Painters’ Union of Chicago. We were sent here for the purpose of finding out what this convention is going to do in the way of installing a new organization. We come here dissatisfied with many things in the American Federation of Labor. We would not be here if we were satisfied with the American Federation of Labor; we would stay away from here. We came to this convention to do all in our power to help this movement along, and as representing this organization with power to install our organization in this new movement. I am here to find out and do all in my power to help the movement along. If you don’t allow individual delegates to take part in it, what is the use of being here? Some men might be here for the purpose of creating a political organization. Some men might be here for the purpose of creating only an economic organization and nothing else. We are here to find out what is going to be done here. I know there are men here for political purposes. I know it for I have seen it. There are men here that are for a radical labor movement. That is what I am here for, not for politics at all. If this movement is going to be a political movement I will stay out of it. (Applause). If this movement is going to be a trades union movement, as radical as can be, a revolutionary movement with the intention to go out and fight capital with all the power we have got, to fight capital to the last and to keep politics out of it entirely, I promise right here to be with you, and I will stay with you to the finish. (Applause). I know there are delegates here from unions in Chicago comprising 1,600 members. We have pretty near 3,000 painters represented here now; Over 2,500. Now, we are here to see what this convention is going to do, and if you don’t allow us to have any voice or vote in this convention it is no use to be here. I don’t believe in individual delegates. I believe we have got the interests of this movement at heart as much as the individuals. We have an organization that has got power to install, but it is not installed yet, but should have more power than any individual delegates who have no power to be installed. Suppose there are some delegates in here that have power to install, and the convention turns out different than they expected, do you think they would join this movement? I think not. Up till now they are not a part of this organization; they are not members of this movement until they are installed, and they are not installed yet. There are none more than we are entitled to be delegates, and I am sure that the delegates that represent these unions that have power to act, if they find out that it is not going their way they will withdraw and the individual delegates can stay with you to the finish. (Applause.)
DEL. LUCY E. PARSONS: A great deal has been said here about the number of votes that the different delegates carry around in their pockets. I am not here for the purpose of raising a note of inharmony or disunion among these delegates. I am simply here in the interest of truth as I see it. Now, this idea of mere force of numbers sounds too much to me like “Might makes Right.” Mere force of numbers never made a right on earth, and, thanks to justice, never can. What is right, what is just and justice, is simply the result of the best minds of all the ages. Whatever right we have in society is simply a heritage handed down to us by those who had only disinterested motives. Now, I am one of those who entered my name as an individual delegate. I had to do so because I had to subscribe to the technicality of the clause that has been read by the delegate before the last. I entered myself as an individual delegate, but let me assure you that I for one had no such idea of entering my name as an individual delegate. Now, a great many of you represent your unions, and I certainly do believe in organized labor or I would not be here; organization of a purely economic nature. I entered my name believing that I did not represent a mere body that met within the four walls of any hall, but that I represent that great body that has its face to the foremost ends of the earth. Now, I entered my name here, and I think others did, because we had eyes to see misery, we had ears to hear the cry of the downcast and miserable of the earth, we had a heart that was sympathetic, and we believed that we could come here and raise our voice and mingle it with yours in the interest of humanity. So that is the great audience that I represent. I represent those people, those little children who, after my twenty-five years residence in Chicago, I know are in the factories. I entered here as a delegate to represent that great mass of outraged humanity, my sisters whom I can see in the night when I go out in Chicago, who are young and fair and beautiful, but who are compelled to sell the holy name of womanhood for a night’s lodging. I am here to raise my voice with them, and ask you to put forth from this organization a declaration of principles and a constitution that shall give them hope in the future, that they shall be enrolled under the banner of this organization. Had I simply come here to represent myself, I might as well have remained at home and not taken up the time of your deliberative body. Let me say to you—I will take but a few moments of your time—that it matters not to me personally what you shall finally decide. I am perfectly willing to leave my case in the hands of this convention as to whether I and the rest of the individual delegates shall be admitted. I wish simply to say to you, God speed you in your effort, and that there might come some good at least from your organization. I wish to state in conclusion that some of the delegates seem to lay some capital up or put some stress upon what some delegate or some people here have lost in the interest of labor. Let me say to you that I think that is the last stock in trade that any delegate should talk about in this hall. It matters not if there is a man in this hall who has lost a limb in the interest of labor, he has not lived in vain. If there are some here who have lost their liberty temporarily in the interest of labor, they have not spent their time in vain. And if there are some who have lost their dearest gift of all, life, in the interest of labor, that cause is justified and their lives have not been sacrificed in vain. And so let me say to you brothers and sisters, don’t engage in any personalities, but simply remember that we are here as one brotherhood and one sisterhood, as one humanity, with a responsibility to the down-trodden and the oppressed of all humanity, it matters not under what flag or in what country they happened to be born. Let us have that idea of Thomas Paine, that “The world is my country, and mankind are my countrymen.” (Applause.)
DEL. T. J. HAGERTY: A point of information. Is there any question at all before the house to debar individuals as delegates from voting at all, except such as have been objected to by the Credentials Committee or by the convention?
THE CHAIRMAN: None at all. This motion does not bar any delegates in this convention. The motion before the house is: Moved and seconded that each delegation shall select a member of each Committee named by the convention, and that the chair shall appoint three other members from the individual representatives to each committee.
DEL. SAUNDERS: What is the original motion?
THE CHAIRMAN: The original motion was made, I believe, by a person on the floor who was not a delegate.
DEL. SAUNDERS: I beg your pardon; I was the man that made the motion.
THE CHAIRMAN: Are you a delegate?
DEL. SAUNDERS: I represent 1,600 painters.
THE CHAIRMAN: What organization?
DEL. SAUNDERS: No. 194 of the Painters and Decorators of America.
THE CHAIRMAN: The original motion was that each committee be elected from the floor.
A delegate moved the previous question; no second.
DEL. FAIRGRIEVE: You appointed a Committee on Rules about half past ten o’clock, and then it seems you went on to establish rules before that committee had a chance to make a report on what they would recommend to the convention. Now you are getting the cart before the horse again, and I think it would have been a matter of courtesy to wait till they had time to report and see what they were going to report, and then adopt the report or reject it. You ought to have given the committee a chance to make a report before you were so far ahead with your work, and then if you wanted to quarrel over it do so. I desire to make a report from that committee if you will allow me to do it.
Previous question called for.
THE CHAIRMAN: The previous question has been called for.
DEL. NELSON: I am here as a delegate from No. 594, Painters of Chicago. We represent 1,700 members. I want to know as to some original delegates that claim to have been given power to install their bodies, if it is nevertheless true that they were instructed to report and a discussion to follow, and very likely that will be the end of it. As long as we are classed as individual delegates and not permitted to exercise the right to move, I don’t see what is the use of us being here. I would like to know as a point of information whether delegates sent from unions that you might say had instructions to investigate and report are classed as individuals.
THE CHAIRMAN: I would say in reply to that question that if you are not prepared to install your organization you would be classed as an individual delegate. The previous question has been called for. Those in favor of the motion will signify it by the voting sign. Contrary by the same sign. Gentlemen, you are voting on the previous question. The motion is carried.
Question called for.
THE CHAIRMAN: This is the substitute to the original motion that committees be elected from the floor, and reads as follows: The original motion is that committees be elected from the floor. The substitute is that each delegation select a member on each committee named by the convention and that the Chairman appoint three additional members as individual representatives on each committee. Those in favor of the substitute will signify it by the voting sign of the convention. Contrary by the same sign. The substitute is carried.
DEL. FAIRGRIEVE: Do I understand by that motion just now passed that each committee shall be elected from the floor of the convention?
THE CHAIRMAN: No, sir.
DEL. FAIRGRIEVE: What is it?
THE CHAIRMAN: The several delegations shall select a number of each committee from their delegations, and the chair shall appoint from the individual members three members on each committee that may be chosen by this convention.
DEL. FAIRGRIEVE: Well, then, we have got to go back into session again so as to fix our rules to suit yours. Sure we have. We have got it all different from that here in this report. I ain’t going to report on anything of that kind. Will the Committee on Rules of Order and Business step up on the platform again?
After a short delay the Committee on Rules, through Delegate Fairgrieve, made the following report:
RULES OF CONVENTION.
i. Three sessions shall be held daily, as follows: From 9.00 A. M. to 12.00 M.; from 2.00 P. M. to 6.00 P. M.; from 8.00 P. M. to 9.30 P. M. (Note:—See amendment.)
2. The following standing committees shall be constituted: (a) Constitution; (b) Resolutions; (c) Ways and Means; (d) Literature.
3. All committees shall consist of one member of each delegation named by the convention, and the chair to appoint to each committee three members from the individual representatives.
(Note by reporter:—In the original draft the portion on committees was as follows: “The Committee on Constitution shall consist of eleven members and be elected by the convention. 4. All other committees shall consist of five members and be appointed by the chairman.”)
4. All motions shall be submitted in writing with name of mover. (Note:—See amendment.)
5. On all general motions from the floor each speaker may speak but five minutes, and no person shall speak twice on the same subject until all others who desire have spoken.
6. In discussion of reports of committees and resolutions each speaker may speak ten minutes, but no speaker shall speak twice on the same subject until all others who wish shall have spoken.
7. A person who has introduced a resolution may speak ten minutes on his resolution when the same shall come before the convention for action, with privilege of closing the debate.
8. Thursday, July 29 shall be devoted to a discussion of the following topics, providing the standing committees shall first have been selected: (a) Name of organization (b) tactics and details; (c) first of May as International Labor Day; (d) agreements vs. contracts; (e) international relations. (Note:—See amendment as to Manifesto.)
9. Immediately after the adoption of the constitution shall come, first, formal installation of unions and individuals into the new organization; (b) election of permanent officers; (c) selection of general headquarters; (d) selection of place and date of next general convention.
10. On all points not covered by these rules, Robert’s Rules of Order shall be in force.
DEL. FAIRGRIEVE: In drawing up these rules we concluded that we were here for business, and that our duty to the people who sent us here is to devise ways and means to carry their work out, so we have made the hours eight and a half instead of eight.
THE CHAIRMAN: You have heard the reading of the report of your Committee on Rules. What is the pleasure of the convention?
DEL. FAIRGRIEVE: We discussed the matter of forming a committee on Preamble and a declaration of principles, and we thought it best to leave that with the Constitutional Committee, because when they were constructing the constitution they would know what to put in the Preamble and declaration of principles, and the balance appertaining to it you people might change if you wanted to.
DEL. SAINER: I move that this be taken up in detail and discussed by the house. (Motion seconded.)
THE CHAIRMAN: A motion is made that this report be taken up in detail and discussed by the house. You have heard the motion. Are you ready for the question?
DEL. WOLFE: I move that we adopt the report as read. (Seconded.)
THE CHAIRMAN: The motion is out of order, inasmuch as it conflicts with the preceding motion.
DEL. WOLFE: It is an amendment to that motion.
THE CHAIRMAN: But you have just immediately before the report of your Committee on Rules adopted a method by which we are going to select committees. Now you must either re-consider that action or you must make that conform to the report of your committee.
DEL. SULLIVAN: I move you that the report of the Committee on Rules and Order of Business, that is that portion pertaining to the committees, be so amended as to conform to the previous action of this convention. (Seconded.)
THE CHAIRMAN: That will be accepted as an amendment. It has been moved and seconded that the report of the committee be made to conform with the action of the convention;—and that that work be done by the committee?
DEL. SULLIVAN: Well, that the report be so changed as to conform to the action just had by the convention in the make-up of committees. In place of saying seven members, have it read that it is made up in accordance with the motion that was just carried.
DEL. SIMONS: I would like to make a motion.
THE CHAIRMAN: There is a motion before the house and an amendment to the motion.
DEL. SIMONS: I wish to make an amendment to the amendment, to strike out all after the third section naming the committees, and insert these words: “The committees to be elected by the various delegations as previously provided, and with the three individual members likewise.”
THE CHAIRMAN: That is the sense of this amendment, to include that. The original motion is that the report of this committee be taken up in detail and discussed by the convention. The amendment is that the report of the committee be accepted and made to conform with the action of the convention. The amendment is before the convention. Brother McDonald has the floor.
DEL. DANIEL MCDONALD: I think the original motion made for the adoption of the report of the committee is the proper motion to be made by this convention and discussed by this convention. You are acting upon the report of the committee. This convention is not prepared to adopt the report of the committee, but this convention has the right to move the acceptance of the report of the committee, and then that report of the committee becomes the property of this convention, and then this convention changes anything in the report that is not in accordance with the wishes of the convention. That is the only way that I see that the report of the committee can properly be disposed of. A motion to accept the report of the committee does not adopt the report of the committee; it simply makes the report of the committee the property of this convention; it gives this convention material to work with, you understand. Then this committee can change the report of the committee to suit and in conformity with the action already taken by this convention. If that is not done, then it would be impossible for us to amend or change, annul or modify any suggestion made by the report of the committee. It seems to me that is the only proper way that the proposition can be handled. The idea of making motions to receive the report of the committee and adopt the report of the committee in conformity with something that has already been done, is simply going to tangle the convention in such a manner that the convention can spend all the afternoon in doing nothing but unraveling the entanglements. By taking up every suggestion made by the committee separately, the convention can dispose of the matter promptly and intelligently and to the satisfaction of every member or of the majority of the members of this convention. Without that is done it would be absolutely impossible for you to change any suggestion that is made in the report of the committee.
DEL. KERRIGAN: I move that the committee’s report be accepted.
Motion declared out of order by delegates.
THE CHAIRMAN: The motion is out of order.
DEL. SAUNDERS: To expedite matters, it seems that the last motion carried in regard to the forming of committees, and as long as no delegate is opposed to the rest of the report of this committee, it seems to me that the motion to adopt the report, amending it so as to conform with the former action, would be the proper course to pursue. Therefore, I think it would be in order for any delegate opposed to this motion to get up and make his objections to the different parts or any part that he sees objection to in this report. Otherwise, it seems to me the best method to pursue would be to adopt that motion whereby it was amended to cover the last action.
DEL. MCDONALD: I believe the suggestion I made would bring the report before the convention and have the convention act seriatim on that proposition. Otherwise you cannot do it. I am satisfied if this convention desires to act seriatim on the report of the committee.
Question called for.
DEL. COATES: I simply want to ask for a point of information. The motion before the house, Del. Sullivan’s motion, is to make the report conform with the action of the convention and then adopt the rest. Do you hold that no other part of that report could be changed?
THE CHAIRMAN: I would not so hold, no. I hold that the report of the committee is still in the hands of the convention.
DEL. COATES: Even if Delegate Sullivan’s motion is carried?
THE CHAIRMAN: Delegate Sullivan’s motion is that the report of the committee be accepted and that it be made to conform to the previous action of the convention.
DEL. COATES: Let me ask through you what Delegate Sullivan thinks about it?
THE CHAIRMAN: Isn’t that your notion, Brother Sullivan?
DEL. SULLIVAN: My intent was to amend the report of the Committee on Rules as to conform with the action that was previously had in the formation of the committees. It does not carry with it the adoption of the amended report if it is so amended. It would simply change that where it says that the Constitution Committee shall be seven, and cause it to be formed as provided for in the previous motion.
DEL. COATES: Then you don’t mean to adopt the committee’s report.
DEL. SULLIVAN: It should say that that would require another action on the report, to adopt the report.
DEL. COATES: Then wouldn’t it be best to take it up seriatim at the beginning and act on every rule? We are simply getting this all mixed up. The only reason I asked that question is that I wanted to amend two of the rules.
DEL. COATES: I want to do that.
DEL. SULLIVAN: Brother Coates, the convention has by its action said how the committees shall be formulated. The Committee on Rules and Order of Business has submitted a report stating how the committees shall be formulated. Now, the convention is the creator of this committee, and it has spoken. I want to make this report read in conformity with the action which we have had.
DEL. SULLIVAN: Then if there are other objections to the report, take them up.
DEL. COATES: I want to do that, but let us do it when we get it in the report. Let us not mix the thing up. Let us act first on Rule No. 1, dispose of the matter and know what we want. I think that is the only proper way to do.
THE CHAIRMAN: The amendment is that the report of the committee be accepted and made to conform with the previous action of the convention. Those in favor of the amendment will signify it by the voting sign. Contrary by the same sign. The amendment is lost. The original motion is that the report of the committee be taken up seriatim. Those in favor of the motion will signify it by the voting sign. Contrary by the same sign. The motion is carried. The Secretary will please read.
Secretary White read the next rule, as follows: “Three sessions shall be held daily, as follows: From 9 A. M. to 12 M.; from 2 P. M. to 6 P. M.; from 8 P. M. to 9.30 P. M.”
A delegate moved the adoption of the rule.
DEL. COATES: I want to offer an amendment to the motion, and that is that the section be stricken out. Mr. Chairman, I do that for this reason. I well remember the statement of the member of that committee who made the report, that we are here in the interest of the people who sent us, and we ought to cut out the theaters and so on. I want to say this, that a good part of the work of this convention in the next few days is going to devolve upon the committees of this convention, and I am opposed to the committees working while the convention is in session. We have provided for something like half a dozen committees, as I understand the report, and half a dozen times twenty will take a great body from this convention. I do not believe, Mr. Chairman and fellow delegates, that we ought to sit here from 9 o’clock in the morning to 12, from 2 o’clock till 6, and from 8 o’clock till 9.30, and then expect the committees to work from 9.30 till 9 o’clock the next morning. I do not think that is fair, I do not think it is just, I do not think it will expedite the business of this convention, and I move that that be stricken out. (Seconded.)
DEL. SAUNDERS: A question of information. I would like to ask if it is correct for any one to make a motion and then proceed to argue it before it is even seconded and put to the body.
DEL. COATES: Cut my argument out.
THE CHAIRMAN: I will state for the benefit of the delegate here (Delegate Saunders) that Delegate Coates has not said a word. (Laughter). The motion is that that section be stricken out. Are you ready for the question? (Question called for). Those in favor of the motion will signify it by saying aye. Contrary no. The motion is carried. Now a motion would be in order to adopt Rule one as amended.
DEL. WILKE: I make a motion that this rule be adopted as amended. (Seconded.)
THE CHAIRMAN: It is regularly moved and seconded that clause one be adopted as amended. Are you ready for the question? (Question called for.)
DEL. ROWE: I move to amend that we strike out “9 A. M.” and insert “8 A. M.” for the morning session. (Motion seconded.)
DEL. SUNAGEL: That is out of order. When a motion is before the house, is it in order to amend something?
THE CHAIRMAN: The motion has not been placed before the house. The question before the house is the adoption of Rule one as amended. Before any other amendment can be offered it will be necessary to vote this down.
DEL. ROWE: We have just stricken out the section. According to the report of the committee our morning sessions begin at 9 A. M. and the afternoon sessions run from 2 to 6 P. M., making seven hours a day, not including the night session. I should judge by the progress that this convention has made that we are going to be compelled to remain here for several days. This is very valuable time to some of the organizations represented at this convention. We are delegates from the American Flint Glass Workers’ Union. July 10 we meet in annual convention in Martin’s Ferry, Ohio. If the work of this convention is to be dragged on until a late day it will simply be impossible for the representatives from the American Flint Glass Workers’ Union to remain over.
We want to stay here if possible until this convention completes its work, but if we are going to continue moving with this snaillike progress it will be impossible for us to stay. I consider from 8 o’clock in the morning till 12 noon and from 2 o’clock till 6 P. M. is no unreasonable hours for us to serve in this convention, and I believe that every delegate here to-day that has the proletarian cause at heart won’t object or hesitate to agree to remain in this hall eight hours a day for the purpose of completing the work of placing this organization on a proper and substantial foundation. My remarks regarding the valuable time may appear strange to those who have ample time to remain here, but I want you to consider this one important fact: We are laying the foundation for a new industrial organization, and in laying that foundation we want to be sure that we lay it right. Those who are sympathetic with this movement do not want to be discouraged. The American Flint Glass Workers’ Union, by a vote of two to one, voted to send representatives to this convention, and all we need is a little more light and a little clearness on this matter, and I promise you the American Flint Glass Workers’ Union will form itself one part of this new industrial body. (Applause). I hope you will consider our time. We have got an enormous amount of work to perform in the succeeding week in order to get ready for our national convention, and you members of labor organizations who have prepared for annual conventions such as we are compelled to prepare far, I am sure you will appreciate the magnitude of the work that we have got to perform during the ensuing week. I hope you will consider our position in this matter and change that rule to read from 8 to 12 and from 2 to 6, in order that we may be able to complete our work just as hastily and as successfully as we can possibly do it.
DEL. WHITE: The Committee on Credentials desire to make a report.
THE CHAIRMAN: The question before the convention is the adoption of Rule one as amended. Those in favor will signify it by saying aye. Contrary no. The motion is lost.
DEL. SAUNDERS: I make an amendment to make the sessions from 8 o’clock A. M. to 12 M.; recess from 12 till 2; session from 2 P. M. to 6 P. M. (Seconded.)
DEL. ROWE: I move that we amend that rule to read from 8 A. M. to 12 M. and from 2 to 6 P. M. for our daylight sessions. (Seconded.)
Del. Sherman: I make an amendment as follows: “Sessions will convene at 9 A. M. and continue until 12 o’clock; reconvene at one o’clock and adjourn at 6 o’clock.” (Seconded.)
Del. Rowe: Any way so we can put in eight hours. I am satisfied to begin at 9
THE CHAIRMAN: You have heard the motion. Are you ready for the question? (Question called for). Those in favor of having the sessions from A. M. till 12 and from 1 till 6, will signify it by saying aye. Contrary no. The motion is carried.
THE CHAIRMAN: The Committee on Credentials have a report to make. Are you willing to listen to it at this time or do you wish to proceed with the report of the Committee on Rules?
A DELEGATE: Is the first rule adopted as amended?
THE CHAIRMAN: The first rule has been defeated, and an amendment to the rule adopted.
Del. White, of the committee: There has been no vote taken on that, and I want to say that there are delegates entitled to seats in this convention, and the committee is ready to report to this convention. It only takes a minute, and I believe those delegates are entitled to seats in this convention as much as any other men.
THE CHAIRMAN: Unless a motion is made now to listen to the report of the Committee on Credentials, we will proceed with the report of the Committee on Rules.
It was moved and seconded that the convention proceed with the report of the Committee on Credentials. Motion carried.
The Committee on Credentials, through Secretary White, made the following report:
In the case of the coal miners from Illinois whose status was contested and protest filed against, the committee asked every one of them whether they were believers in the Manifesto. Every one of them stated that they are firm believers in the Manifesto, and the committee could only be guided by the provisions of the Manifesto, which provide that all wage earners who believe in those principles are eligible to a seat. The Committee on Credentials could not go back to see what happened a year or two or four days ago, when those men said that they are believers in the Manifesto. Therefore, the Committee on Credentials recommend that these five men, against whom a protest was filed, be seated with one vote each.
In the case of C. B. Boudin, the attorney from New York, who also claims that he writes for different papers, a protest was filed, and the committee after inquiring of him found that he was also a “friend and sympathizer” of labor. Your committee recommends him as a fraternal delegate to this convention.
Your committee further reports and recommends that Robert Rives LaMonte be seated as a delegate with one vote.
The committee recommends that Charles Shuler, delegate from the Amalgamated Glass Workers, No. 1, Chicago, Ill., be seated with one vote.
Also Pat O’Neil, Neelly, Ark., one vote.
Also W. Harry Spears. Chicago, one vote.
THE CHAIRMAN:—You have heard the report of the committee. What is the pleasure of the convention?
DEL. SAUNDERS, CHICAGO: I move that the report be received and concurred in, except in that part stating that the attorney was a friend of labor. I move that that part be stricken out and be not concurred in, and that he be not seated. (Motion seconded.)
THE CHAIRMAN: You have heard the motion. Are you ready for the question?
MR. BOUDIN: I am the attorney referred to.
DEL. SAUNDERS: A point of order. We are in a delegate body here.
MR. BOUDIN: I know. I was the individual, and I was misrepresented by being called a “friend of labor.” I am not a friend of labor; I have been in the labor movement for the last fourteen years.
DEL. SAUNDERS: Question.
MR. BOUDIN: I ask for the floor:
THE CHAIRMAN: You are not entitled to the floor until your case is disposed of.
MR. BOUDIN: It seems to me that the delegates ought to know the case.
DEL. W. T. HALL: I move that the delegate—
THE CHAIRMAN: There is a motion already before the convention, and that is that the report of the committee be concurred in with the exception of that part that refers to the attorney. Are you ready for the question? (Question called for). Delegate Hall has the floor.
Delegate Hall arose.
DEL. O’BRIEN: I think the gentleman is entitled to a seat if he is a sincere supporter of the cause of the working class. He has a brother in a prominent position in one of the strongest international unions. I have information that he is a correspondent for certain international labor papers, and I believe that the showing entitles him to be a delegate here. Our general antipathy and hatred to attorneys would not offer any good reason in this matter.
DEL. SAUNDERS: I do not know the gentleman in question at all. I haven’t anything against him whatsoever as a man, but J believe that this convention here is for the purpose of inaugurating an organization built on better lines than previous organizations of its kind have been built on. I believe the first lesson should be taught by the working class of America proving themselves to be able to successfully inaugurate a movement—and I suppose it will be teaching for the first time in the history of America that a trades union shall be composed of workingmen or wage earners (applause) and that we are ready and that we may be ready at any time to accept assistance from any “friends of labor”—but from the outside. (Applause). I do believe that this is a question which, if it is voted in the negative and we admit this attorney, simply will open the door for some other attorneys that are not so friendly. Therefore, I believe that if this attorney is sincere in his friendship, he will not force us to accept him.
DEL. WHITE: As Secretary of the Committee on Credentials, I want to say that I forgot to read the name of D: Burgess, who was passed on by the committee last night. The committee recommend that this man he given one vote and a seat in the convention.
THE CHAIRMAN: Has the mover of the motion any objection to adding the name of D. Burgess?
DEL. SAUNDERS: Who is he? What is his vocation?
DEL. WHITE: A metal worker.
DEL. SAUNDERS: No. I accept that addition.
DEL. MRS. LILIAN FORBERG: Comrade Chairman and Fellow Delegates: I want to speak just a few words in support of the motion that says that we should not accept an attorney at law as a delegate in this convention. This is the first convention, to my knowledge, that has ever been called to organize the working class into an organization by which they can fight the capitalist class. The only thing that an attorney ever did in this world was to support the capitalist class. (Applause). The only way in which attorneys at law ever express their friendship to the working class is by fighting for injunctions before the courts of law against the working class. (Applause). I think it is a well-known fact that no attorney at law could be anything else but a parasite. We are here to fight the whole parasitical class and to organize the working class. (Applause.)
DEL. SCHWARTZ: As I understood, this convention is to organize all men who work for wages, all men who are employed at anything in any line of work, clerks or cashiers, anybody who is working. What we mean to exclude from this convention are those who live on interest or profit where somebody else works for them. But where somebody else lives and personally does any work, either is a judge or a lawyer at the bar, he is under the present system the same as those men who are toiling at other work: and because he has chosen that work he was forced to it, and he has just the same right, I maintain, to be admitted in this convention. This gentleman at heart is just as honest and true as that of any other man who works in any industry, I claim. The fact that he is here shows that he has spent his own money to defend our cause. I know him, and I tell you that he would never take a case against any workingmen to crush them down. For that reason I claim that he ought to be admitted in this convention.
DEL. DE LEON: As I was the one who brought the protest against this applicant, I ask the courtesy of the floor for a moment. I would not have asked for the floor if it had not been that some would think it necessary to offer a reason for my opposition. I recognize all that is at stake in this movement, and I am sorry that I have to take up time with a thing of this sort, but I consider that when I go home I have to report to a constituency; and I cannot stand before the looking glass and report to myself, not being an individual delegate here, and I cannot allow this thing to go by without expressing myself in the interest of my constituency. I greatly regret the language of the last speaker who brought in the personal equation of the individual in question. I hope the question will he kept upon that field upon which it was placed by the mover of the motion and by the lady who supported him. The gentleman who spoke last sought to place himself upon principle when he said that any one who works and does not derive interest or profit is admissible to this body. I consider that to be a serious error. Not only must we exclude people who are themselves living on interest that they draw directly, but we must exclude those who live as parasites upon those who draw interest. (Applause). If you admit a lawyer because he nominally works and does not derive interest though every dollar that goes into his pocket is tainted with the blood of workingmen in some way or other, because he lives upon interest indirectly—if you allow such a man in here, by what process of reasoning can you exclude the detective? By what process of reasoning can you exclude the policeman? By what process of reasoning can you exclude many a fellow whom I would sooner receive in a body of this sort than a lawyer? (Applause). I hope the gentlemen of the committee will give me credit for having abstained from going into the personal character of this applicant. I shall therefore not now cross the praise bestowed upon the applicant by the gentleman who spoke last. If I were to cross him, as I could, I would introduce the question; I prefer not to have this thing settled by that method; if this man is accepted or rejected upon his character, the principle would not be established. He is of importance to me only on account of the principle by which he seeks admission here. I consider that a lawyer is a parasite upon parasites, and that as we are opposed to parasitism we must decapitate the lawyer from our ranks. (Applause). I have had experience with this man. I have known men for whom at one time I had friendship, but I found it necessary to break with them because the breath of their nostrils is a crime upon society. (Applause). I would say that I know no lawyer who deserves any place in the labor movement. Are we standing upon the class struggle? Shall we denounce in one corner of our mouths that which we by our votes approve of in the other corner? What does the class struggle mean but that the material necessities of a man control his action? And will you deny that the material necessities of the lawyer will compel him to commit the crimes against the working class that every lawyer in the country commits to-day? (Applause). For these reasons I abstain from going into the character of the man, and I hope that he will be excluded absolutely and with no fraternal seat. If he or any other lawyer is a decent man, if he or any other lawyer really stands upon the principles of the class struggle, if he or any other lawyer realizes the necessities of the movement, he would himself vote for this motion. I would, therefore, think that if this man’s friends believe him to be decent, they should urge him to withdraw before an opportunity was given for a vote; his application for admission here does in itself stand upon a wrong foundation. (Applause.)
DEL. MCEACHREN: I hold that this convention of workingmen and women cannot do other than exclude this man who has applied for admission and has given his vocation as that of a lawyer. I believe that this organization that we are to form, which is going to be based as we hope upon the lines of the class struggle, cannot by any process of reasoning admit this individual, whether he claims to be a friend of labor or not; for the man or the individual that would insist and appeal to this convention for a seat on the ground that he is a friend of labor, by the very fact that he does that, disproves his position as being a friend of labor. (Applause). That is about all that I have to say. As to the man’s character, I care not what it is. His character may be vastly superior to that of many workingmen who will join and belong to this organization. The man’s character is not in question, but the lines of the class struggle organization. The S. T. & L. A., which has made this main protest [line missing from original transcript] are in question, and I hope you will not obscure them. (Applause.)
Question called for in many parts of the hall.
DEL. A. M. SIMONS: I want this convention to understand the sincerity of the objections which have been made by the men that have spoken with regard to the position of lawyers within this or[line missing from original transcript] not only admits lawyers to its organization, but had this particular man not only as a member, but a member of their national executive board.
Confusion in the hall, and cries of “Order,” and “Sit down.”
DEL. T. J. HAGERTY: A point of order—
DEL. SIMONS: I have got the floor.
THE CHAIRMAN: You will not be permitted to go on that way, brothers.
DEL. SIMON: Are we to permit those men to pour their vomit on us? Will we sit here quietly and stand for this?
Cries of “Sit down.”
DEL. SIMONS: I ask the convention are we to stand for this or not? I am simply stating a fact on the floor.
THE CHAIRMAN: The question before the convention is a motion that we concur in the report of the Credentials Committee with the exception of that portion of it that refers to attorneys. Now, delegates, in the discussion, notwithstanding what may have preceded—and I have not heard any personalities against this brother who asks to be a delegate—we will cut out all personalities and confine the debate to the question at issue.
DEL. SIMONS: I am very glad to accept that. May we not take that then as a precedent, that from now on all personalities will be kept out of these discussions? If so, no man will yield quicker to it than I.
THE CHAIRMAN: They must yield.
DEL. SIMONS: If that is true, all right. Then I want to say this: With the principle that attorneys are to be excluded from this convention, with the principle that they are to be excluded from the organization that is to be formed, I am in accord, and I have no desire to get upon the floor except for the purpose for which I was up here before. But I felt that the attempt to draw the same line that has been drawn here, to draw the line on a man because of his occupation, is something that we cannot respect. We have got to make up our minds here that the man who comes and brings with him a determination to work for and support this organization, that that man must be taken at his word here until he proves to be false. But we don’t want to go back into the records. We don’t want to drag up those matters. If we do we shall find that it is a sword that cuts both ways. I want to object to that sort of work, and I am glad of your ruling. (Applause.)
DEL. GOODWIN: This convention is called for the purpose of bringing about more harmony in the ranks of labor, and it is not fair before a convention of workingmen to get up and quarrel over whether or not one particular individual ought to be kept out or not. We must proceed upon our knowledge of what this movement consists in. We cannot say that one particular individual in society does not belong to the working class or capitalist class. We must take certain central characteristics of the system and proceed from them outward. I know of lawyers and politicians that would come into this movement and bring it to ruin. We have come here to see that the working class controls the working class movement. If that is to be the central characteristic of this movement, let us set a precedent. If any one who belongs to the class that is the enemy of the working class movement persists and insists on coming in here, if he is so great a friend, let him show his friendship by getting up and declining.
THE CHAIRMAN: Let it be understood that the report of your Credentials Committee does not confer a vote on this delegate. He will be a fraternal delegate only, and not with a vote. The motion is that the report of the committee be adopted with the exception of that portion that refers to the attorney. Are you ready for the question? (Question called for). Those in favor will signify it by saying aye. Contrary, no. The ayes seem to have it. The motion is adopted.
DEL. DE LEON: I understand it is parliamentary practice after a motion is carried to make a personal explanation. It has been said that this Boudin as a lawyer was a member of the Socialist Trade & Labor Alliance. I wish to say that there is no truth in that statement.
THE CHAIRMAN: It is not necessary. There is nothing before the convention.
Following disposition of the report of the Committee on Credentials, consideration of the report of the Committee on Rules was resumed.
A DELEGATE: Mr. Chairman, is a motion in order?
THE CHAIRMAN: No, the matter before the house is the report of the Committee on Rules of Order.
Secretary Trautmann, reading report: “The following standing committees shall be constituted: (a) Constitution; (b) Resolutions; (c) Ways and Means; (d) Literature.”
THE CHAIRMAN: You have heard the report of the Committee on Rules. What is the pleasure of the convention?
DEL. KIEHN: I move that a Committee on Organization be added to those. (Motion seconded.)
THE CHAIRMAN: You have heard the motion. Are you ready for the question? (Question called for). It is moved and seconded that a Committee on Organization be added to the number of committees provided for by the report of the committees. Those in favor of the motion will signify it by the voting sign. Contrary by the same sign. The motion is carried. Are you ready for the report of the committee as amended?
DEL. EISENBERG: I move that that paragraph be adopted.
DEL. SAUNDERS: I move that the report be adopted as amended. (Motion seconded.)
DEL. O’BRIEN: I move that the Committee on Literature act as a Press and Literature Committee. That is a very important committee. (Seconded.)
THE CHAIRMAN: It is moved that the Committee on Literature act as a Press and Literature Committee. Are you ready for the question?
The question was called for, and being put, the motion was carried.
The motion to adopt the report of the committee as amended was then put and carried.
Here the Chairman called Delegate Coates to the chair, to preside in the absence of Chairman Haywood.
SECRETARY TRAUTMANN, reading: “The Committee on Constitution shall consist of eleven members and be elected by the convention.”
DEL. FAIRGRIEVE: That was amended by the convention. In reading I inserted the change.
SECRETARY TRAUTMANN: I know.
THE CHAIRMAN: The Secretary will proceed with the reading.
DEL. BARTLETT: We have to change Article 3 to conform with the action of the convention.
THE CHAIRMAN: It does not seem to the chair that that will be necessary. All referring to how it shall be appointed should be stricken out. The convention has already decided the method.
A DELEGATE: A point of information. Does that mean that there will be three and the chair will appoint one, making four on each committee?
THE CHAIRMAN: No, sir. There will be one person from each delegation, making something like twenty on each committee.
Secretary Trautmann continued the reading of the report, as follows: “All motions shall be submitted in writing, with name of mover.”
THE CHAIRMAN: What is the pleasure of the convention on this rule?
It was moved that the rule be adopted.
DEL. KIEHN: I move that this rule be stricken out. (Motion seconded.)
DEL. SAUNDERS: I am in favor of the motion, but the way the motion reads there it will simply take in every motion. It does not specify there, and consequently it would make an endless chain. I understand that certain brothers wanted to get away to certain conventions, and therefore I move to lay on the table. (Motion seconded.)
DEL. GUY MILLER: I move to amend that at the request of the Chairman all motions shall be submitted in writing, accompanied by the name of the mover. (Motion seconded.)
THE CHAIRMAN: The delegate makes an amendment that at the request of the chair all motions shall be submitted by the mover in writing. Any remarks on the motion? If not, all those in favor of the motion will say aye. Contrary no. The amendment is adopted.
The next section of the rules was read, as follows: “On general motions from the floor each speaker may speak for five minutes, and no speaker shall speak twice on the same subject until all others who desire have spoken.”
Del. Saunders moved the adoption of the rule. Seconded and carried.
The next section was read, as follows: “6. In discussions of reports of Committee on Resolutions each speaker may speak ten minutes, but no speaker shall speak twice on the same subject until all others who wish shall have spoken.”
It was moved and seconded that the section be adopted.
DEL. SAUNDERS: I move to amend to make it five minutes. (Amendment seconded.)
The amendment being put, was lost, and the rule as reported was adopted.
The next rule was read, as follows: “A person who has introduced a resolution may speak ten minutes on his resolution when the same shall come before the convention for action, with privilege of closing the debate.”
On motion duly seconded, the rule was adopted.
The next rule was read, as follows: “Thursday, June 29, shall be devoted to a discussion of the following topics, providing the standing committees shall first have been selected: (a) Name of organization; (b) tactics and details; (c) First of May as international labor day; (d) agreements vs. contracts; (e) international relations.”
DEL. DE LEON: I would like to know what became of the proposition of having some of the members, of the original conferees, state the reason for the Manifesto. What became of that? Has that been abolished?
DEL. TRAUTMANN: That has been suggested to the committee, but the committee has not found it necessary to embody it.
DEL. FAIRGRIEVE: I believe it was the intention to have that part inserted in there.
THE CHAIRMAN: If there is no objection let it be added to the report that if this is adopted it shall include a history of this movement. I think that it includes that.
DEL. DE LEON: The reasons for the Manifesto, then, precede that special order of business?
THE CHAIRMAN: Yes. First the reasons for this movement and the practical conditions that bring this condition about. That should be added.
Del. Rowe: I move its adoption as read. (Seconded.)
A DELEGATE: Is that to adopt the whole report of the committee?
THE CHAIRMAN: No, it is only that that section be adopted. Are there any remarks? If not, those in favor will say aye. Contrary no. It is so adopted.
Delegate Trautmann continued the reading of the report, as follows: “Immediately after the adoption of the. constitution shall come, first, formal installation of unions and individuals into the new organization; (b) election of permanent officers; (c) selection of general headquarters; (d) selection of place and date of next general convention.”
THE CHAIRMAN: What is your pleasure on this rule?
It was moved and seconded that the rule be adopted. Motion carried.
The next rule was read, as follows: “On all points not covered by these rules, Robert’s Rules of Order shall be in force.”
It was moved and seconded that the rule be adopted. Motion carried.
DEL. FRENCH: Mr. Chairman, I have been intending since noontime to draw the attention of the chair to a matter that was drawn to my attention at noontime, that in this body seated around among the delegates there were persons who are not delegates, and I was told that some of them even voted, and it was suggested that there be some method of separating the actual delegates from visitors or persons who may be among us. The convention is organized. When it was organized we gave all delegates who are actual delegates seats along the tables in the body of the hall, and let those who are visitors, who came in to look on what is going on here, separate themselves so that when a vote is taken we will know that nobody is voting or raising a hand when a vote is taken that is not entitled to vote in this convention. I move that that request be made of all those not regularly seated as delegates. (Seconded.)
DEL. SHERMAN: I move that we proceed at once to distribute the badges to those who are entitled to them, and in that way we shall know who they are.
THE CHAIRMAN: Let the chair explain. The committee has not yet got its work perfected, and just as soon as it has, which will likely he to-morrow morning, each delegate will be given a badge and we will settle that matter then. I want to say to all visitors in this hall that the position of the present chairman will be this: that all visitors in this convention are welcome to the gallery. As far as possible we will exclude visitors entirely from the lower floor. (Applause.)
DEL. SAUNDERS: I think there are only a few here, and when we have the badges it will not be necessary to exclude them.
THE CHAIRMAN: I will ask at least that no visitors occupy seats at the tables.
(Here the visitors retired to the gallery.)
THE CHAIRMAN: The Secretary will proceed.
The next section was read, as follows: “Order of business: Calling to order; roll call of delegates; reading of minutes; reading of communications; report of Credential Committee and seating of new delegates; reports of special committees; report of standing committees in the following order: Constitution, Resolutions, Ways and Means, Literature; unfinished business; new business; adjournment.” (Signed by the committee.)
THE CHAIRMAN: What is your pleasure as to this order of business?
It was moved and seconded that it be adopted.
A DELEGATE: I move that a Committee on Organization be provided for.
THE CHAIRMAN: That was already included. Are there any remarks on the motion to adopt this rule?
There being no remarks, the motion to adopt was put and carried.
THE CHAIRMAN: The Secretary will read the report of the Committee on Rules as amended and adopted, by sections, so that if there are any errors they can be corrected.
DEL. WILKE: I move you that we now adopt the rules or report of the Committee on Rules as a whole.
THE CHAIRMAN: I asked him to read it before you made that motion.
DEL. WILKE: All right.
The report of the Committee on Rules, as amended, was then read by the Secretary, as a whole.
A delegate asked if the Press Committee was included in the report. The Chairman replied that the Press and Literature Committee was in there.
The delegate called attention to the importance of the Press Committee, in view of reports that had appeared in the Chicago papers in regard to this convention, and requested that no delegates but members of the Press Committee give any information to newspaper reporters.
THE CHAIRMAN: I can only say that the convention is wide open to anybody and everybody to hear the proceedings until you act otherwise, but I want to say to any reporters that they are very uncomfortable down there taking notes (indicating the back end of the hall). I would be very glad to have you up in front. Is there a motion to adopt the report of the committee as amended?
It was moved and seconded that the report as a whole as amended be adopted.
DEL. KERRIGAN: A point strikes me, that five minutes might not be enough to enable a point to be clearly explained. Now, could additional time be given to delegate by somebody, who would be interested enough in having the matter cleared up, or could we amend the rules to that effect?
THE CHAIRMAN: If you ask the question of the chair, I would say this, that no man can give away the time of this convention. It is not his time to give away, in the first place.
DEL. KERRIGAN: Well, it is his to that extent; it is his to the extent of five minutes.
THE CHAIRMAN: I am satisfied that just as soon as any delegate completes his five minutes a vote of the convention will be necessary, and all that will be necessary, to extend his time.
DEL. KERRIGAN: That can be accomplished in that way?
THE CHAIRMAN: Yes, I should think so.
The question was called for.
THE CHAIRMAN: The motion is to adopt the report of the committee as a whole as amended. All those in favor of the motion will say aye. Contrary no. It is so adopted. Before we get away from this report I want to impress upon the minds of the delegates the fact that you have just adopted a rule which sets aside practically the entire day to-morrow to the discussion of various topics relative to the organization, its features, name, and so on. I trust that all delegates will come prepared to discuss those things at that time, and get through with them just as promptly as possible. Practically no other business will be entertained, I should judge from this rule adopted, until that has been disposed of tomorrow.
DEL. HALL: I move that the Secretary take steps to have a sufficient number of copies of the rules prepared by mimeograph or otherwise, so that each delegate can have a copy.
THE CHAIRMAN: Of the entire rules?
DEL. HALL: Yes, of the entire rules, and each delegate should have a copy if it can be done.
Motion seconded.
THE CHAIRMAN: The motion is that the Secretary prepare a set of these rules for each delegate on this floor.
DEL. SULLIVAN: A point of information. Is the money available to do so?
THE CHAIRMAN: It certainly is not.
DEL. SULLIVAN: I move to lay it on the table.
THE CHAIRMAN: Any remarks on the motion? If not, all those in favor of the motion will say aye. Contrary no. The motion is lost.
DEL. FAIRGRIEVE: I wish to correct a mistaken impression. There is a proviso that provides that those committees that are not appointed yet are to be appointed to-morrow.
THE CHAIRMAN: I take that into consideration. The special order will begin after the committees are complete.
DEL. JACKSON: I move that we go into the election of those committees now. It is four o’clock.
THE CHAIRMAN: The chair will consider the order of business and see if we can’t get down to it right away.
DEL. DE LEON: I desire information. I see one of the standing committees is a Committee on Ways and Means. Is that the same committee that the Chairman of this convention has already appointed?
THE CHAIRMAN: No, that is a special committee for a special purpose, as I understand it.
A DELEGATE: In view of the fact that the report is going to take up some time, I believe it will expedite business to take a recess now until such time as the committees are ready to be announced. I make that motion.
THE CHAIRMAN: The chair was going to make this suggestion about that matter, to save as much time as I possibly could: that on adjournment to-night each delegation get together that know what they want, and to-morrow morning have the names of your delegates, and that will avoid any of the time of the convention being taken up. In the meantime the Chairman can pick out his three individual members of the committee. That will give him time. Unless the delegate insists on his motion that will be the procedure. Do you insist on your motion?
THE DELEGATE: I was interrupted and didn’t hear. Please repeat.
THE CHAIRMAN: The chair suggested that on the adjournment of this convention each of the delegates select their member of each one of the committees, and at the same time let the permanent Chairman select three individual representatives for each of the committees, simply having them here to-morrow morning at 9 o’clock. That will save a recess, and fifteen minutes would settle it.
THE DELEGATE: I withdraw the motion.
DEL. FAIRGRIEVE: Do I understand that each national body shall have one member of each committee from it?
THE CHAIRMAN: Each body that has a delegation shall select one of their number on this floor.
DEL. FAIRGRIEVE: And those local unions represented by one delegate will have power to appoint?
THE CHAIRMAN: No, the chair then selects three members of each committee.
DEL. FAIRGRIEVE: The individual members and local bodies of different classes. There are perhaps men here that represent 500 men in their unions, and there are men representing themselves. Who designates or decides whether that man shall be from the local bodies representing several hundred votes?
THE CHAIRMAN: The opinion of the chair is this, that each of the delegations appoints one on each committee, and the chair appoints three.
DEL. FAIRGRIEVE: I represent twenty-three votes in this convention by myself. How am I to do? To get together with somebody else, or appoint myself?
THE CHAIRMAN: I think that if you are given twenty-three votes by this convention you are entitled to representation on each one of these committees.
DEL. SAUNDERS: It seems to me that there is a misunderstanding in another direction. My understanding is this: that each delegation, no matter whether they are permitted to install or not, have a right to select one from their delegation to each committee, and the Chairman is to select three members from the individual delegates.
THE CHAIRMAN: The decision of the chair is that every group that has been given votes in this convention is entitled to representation on the committee.
DEL. ROWE: I rise to make a motion, but I would like to preface it with a few remarks. A few moments ago we voted down a proposition to have rules of this convention printed so that each delegate in the convention would have a copy of those rules. There are two delegates seated right close here that will copy those rules on the neostyle or mimeograph free of cost, so that every delegate in this convention can have a copy of the rules adopted by this convention without cost to the delegates or to the organization. I therefore move that we reconsider the motion by which this convention decided not to get the rules adopted by this convention printed.
THE CHAIRMAN: Let me say to the delegate that I do not think a motion is necessary. If the delegate wants to furnish copies, well and good, and we will thank him for it, but I do not think it is necessary to make a motion.
DEL. ROWE: You just voted it down.
THE CHAIRMAN: That does not prevent any delegate from making copies.
A DELEGATE: He wants authority to do it.
THE CHAIRMAN: He wants authority to do it?
Del. Rowe: Yes, because the convention has decided not to do this, and if the Secretary of this organization gave the minutes of this organization to some person that he was not authorized to, there might be some fault found with him; and in order to prevent any dissatisfaction, discontent or complaint, I believe it is best to go on record in a matter of that kind.
Motion seconded.
THE CHAIRMAN: The motion is that we reconsider the motion to make a copy of the rules for each delegate. Any remarks? (Question called for). All those in favor will say aye. Contrary no. It is so ordered. The motion now is to adopt a motion to instruct the Secretary to prepare a set of rules for each delegate. Any remarks on the motion?
DEL. SAUNDERS: Do we understand that they are to be free of cost?
THE CHAIRMAN: He can turn them over to anybody he pleases. All in favor of the motion will say aye. Contrary no. It is so ordered.
DEL. ROSS: I move that each union or organization have its delegates for committee work selected and ready for work by 9 o’clock Thursday morning. (Motion seconded.)
Delegate Schatzki spoke about the undue prominence and power that would be given under the voting plan to a delegate representing 20,000 or 40,000 people, as compared with the position of the individual delegates, but the Chairman ruled the remarks out of order.
THE CHAIRMAN: The motion before the house is that each group and the Chairman of this convention shall have the committees prepared to announce at 9 o’clock to-morrow morning.
DEL. DINGER: Does “each group” mean each group of men that are entitled to come into this body?
THE CHAIRMAN: No, sir, the convention has repeatedly taken action. The convention itself has said what are the groups in this body. The motion is that the Chairman be ready to announce the committees at 9 o’clock to-morrow. All in favor say aye. Contrary no. It is so ordered.
DEL. DE LEON: I suggest that the Secretary be instructed to read out the names of the organizations that come under the head of groups.
THE CHAIRMAN: If there is no objection that will be the procedure.
DEL. O’NEIL, ARKANSAS: The idea that I have gathered from what has taken place, is this, and I wish to know whether it is correct. There are delegates who represent locals of the Western Federation of Miners say, that have nine members. Those nine men select one man to act on the committee. There are five or six men that represent the different locals of the U. F. W. A. Those men get together and elect a man. There may be five or six members of the Paper Hangers, and they also elect a member. Is that the idea?
THE CHAIRMAN: No, sir, the idea is that whatever comes from the individual votes must come through the Chairman of this convention.
DEL. O’NEIL: You misunderstand the meaning of what I was trying to get at.
THE CHAIRMAN: All right.
DEL. O’NEIL: I understand that each one of these groups is to elect a member to act on the committee. Isn’t that true?
THE CHAIRMAN: The delegation representing the Western Federation of Miners will choose a member of the various committees; the delegates of the S. T. & L. A. will choose representatives on the various committees. That has been stated here a good many times.
DEL. GLASGOW: I am from No. 194, Painters. They send five fraternal delegates, and I want to know whether that organization or delegation is entitled to one member on these various committees.
THE CHAIRMAN: If the memory of the chair is correct, the convention gave those delegates one vote, and if they get on the committees they will have to go on by appointment of the chair.
DEL. JAMES SMITH: It seems to me the convention is drifting away from the issue. I represent nine locals of New York. They recognize the fact that they have only one vote.
THE CHAIRMAN: One vote is what you have, Brother Smith.
DEL. SWARTZ: I want to ask the Chairman in regard to those groups, if the credentials read that they are authorized to install their unions in this organization.
THE CHAIRMAN: I think every group that has been seated by the convention was authorized to install. I think that is the report of the Committee on Credentials.
A DELEGATE: Have it read.
THE CHAIRMAN: We can have it read.
DEL. SWARTZ: I make a motion to have read each credential.
THE CHAIRMAN: We will do that.
DEL. KNIGHT, PUEBLO: I come from a town out in the West and represent merely an individual union with thirty members, and I believe I have been given that number of votes in the convention. However, I recognize the fact that we will have to stay here probably ten or fifteen days if every individual who represents a union like this demands that he have a place on the committee. As for me, I have seen enough of this convention so far that I believe there are men on these group who are ready to affiliate with this convention who possess the capacity and the ability and the earnestness to fix this constitution and to fix the declaration of principles to suit me, so that I am willing to trust some of them, and I think these fellows who are merely individual delegates, should give these groups a chance, and then we will all have a chance when they have rendered their report.
A DELEGATE: I am not clear on this point yet, although there has been much said about it. I want to ask a question of the chair. What is the difference in standing here in this convention as between groups that are sent here from labor bodies and individuals that merely represent themselves, in recognition on this committee? I would like to know this so as to know where we are at.
THE CHAIRMAN: The groups that are representing bodies in this convention have been given a vote for each member of the organization they represent. The individual simply represents himself.
THE DELEGATE: There is any amount of individuals, but now there are five of us and we represent 1,700 men, although we don’t claim to vote because we are not here with full power to act, but I merely would like to know whether there is a likelihood that such a proceeding will take place afterwards.
THE CHAIRMAN: We cannot give your organization representation until it becomes a part of this organization.
THE DELEGATE: Then according to your ruling there is no difference in the standing in this convention between groups and individual members.
THE CHAIRMAN: Not except those that have allied themselves with the movement. The Secretary read the list of groups, as follows:
Western Federation of Miners, five delegates, 27,000 votes.
Socialist Trade & Labor Alliance, 1,450 votes.
Industrial Workers Club, Cincinnati, 78 votes.
Industrial Workers Club, Chicago, 54 votes.
Workers’ Industrial Educational Union, Pueblo, 30 votes.
United Metal Workers, 3,000 votes.
United Brotherhood of Carpenters and Joiners.
Montreal, Can., Bakers and Confectioners.
United Mine Workers of America, 27 votes.
Flat Janitors’ Local, Chicago.
Journeyman Tailors’ Union.
Metal Polishers’ and Buffers’ Union.
Journeyman Tailors’ Protective and Benevolent Union, San Francisco, 400 votes.
American Labor Union, 16,780 votes.
Punch Press Operators’ Union, 242, Schenectady, 160 votes.
Tailors of Montreal, 22 votes.
Paper Hangers’ Union No. 584, Chicago, 87 votes.
United Mine Workers, Pittsburg, Kas.
DEL. SCHATZKI: How many votes are there altogether, I would like to know?
THE CHAIRMAN: That is going to take up too much time. What is the difference what the total membership is? There are eighteen different groups. That will make the membership of each committee twenty-one.
A DELEGATE: A point of information. Will new delegations likewise have representation?
THE CHAIRMAN: Yes, surely. What is the pleasure of the convention?
DEL. MURTAUGH: It seems to me it might be possible for delegates to be on each one of these committees. I understood that was the case as the chair has ruled, but it seems to me that is pushing it too far, and that some other arrangement should be made if each and every individual member desires to attend the sessions of each and every committee, so that you can understand that it is going to take considerable time to get through with the business of this convention. For instance, I desire to act upon five or six committees, each and every one of them.
THE CHAIRMAN: You will have to figure on the meetings of the committee. The majority of the committee will decide.
DEL. RICHTER: I move that this convention resolve itself into a committee of the whole and begin the consideration of the principles and the platform of the new organization. (Seconded.)
THE CHAIRMAN: All those in favor of the motion that we now go into Committee of the Whole to discuss the principles and program of the organization, will say aye. Contrary no. The motion is carried. Whom will you have as chairman?
The following nominations were made for Chairman of the Committee of the Whole: Delegates Goodwin, T. J. Hagerty, Coates, Haywood, John C. Sullivan, J. W. Saunders, Moyer, Vail. Delegate Moyer declined.
The Chairman (Delegate Coates) : I am going to make a proposition to the convention. The proposition is that we all withdraw in favor of Brother Haywood. (Seconded). All those in favor of William D. Haywood acting as chairman of the committee will say aye. Contrary no. Carried.
The convention then went into Committee of the Whole, Delegate Haywood in the chair, at 4.55 P. M.
THE CHAIRMAN: What is the pleasure of the committee? The first topic for discussion that was suggested by your committee, I believe, is the name of the organization—or rather, reasons for issuing the Manifesto.
DEL. COATES: I would suggest in this matter that this would be a pretty good opportunity for a paper on the origin and the cause of this convention. It seems to me it would be a very opportune time. We will save that much to-morrow, and it would tend to the cleaning up of this discussion.
DEL. ROSS: I move that Brother Moyer give us a twenty-minute talk.
Del. Clarence Smith was called for, but was not present.
DEL. SCHATZKI: Is this discussion now on the reason why the Manifesto was issued? Shall we speak now on this?
THE CHAIRMAN: We now await the pleasure of the committee. Is Brother Ross, of the Press Operators, here? He will please come forward.
DELEGATE LUCY E. PARSONS: I would like to move that some limit be placed to the length of time that each delegate can speak.
A DELEGATE: It is five minutes.
DEL. DE LEON: Aren’t we working under the rules as a Committee of the Whole?
THE CHAIRMAN: We are in Committee of the Whole.
DEL. DE LEON: Then the time is unlimited.
A DELEGATE: There was a motion made and seconded that Brother Moyer give us a twenty-minute talk.
THE CHAIRMAN: I do not believe that any delegate has a right to impose that upon the convention.
A DELEGATE: Did you hear that?
THE CHAIRMAN: I heard that. I did not hear a second. I heard the motion. Brother Clarence Smith, the delegates here would like to hear something about the origin and the call for the Manifesto.
DEL. CLARENCE SMITH: Mr. Chairman and Brother Delegates:
I am not reading this because I am best qualified to write it or read it, but simply because it has been insisted upon that I do so.
For a long time the conviction has grown that present organizations professing to represent industrial unionism were not securing the strength or doing the work that might be done by a properly organized and vigorously administered organization of American wage workers.
Although founded upon a plan that was endorsed in spirit by a majority of the organized workers of this country, as well as many of the unorganized, little progress was made by these organizations professing to represent the class conscious workers to bring the great mass of sympathetic working people actually within the ranks of organized workers for the movement.
And while providing the way for perfect solidarity and entirely harmonious action within itself, this solidarity and harmony was not actual in the relationship of the organized bodies comprising the American Labor Union.
This conviction of ineffectiveness in the face of opportunities for effective work, was strengthened at the General Convention of the International Union of United Brewery Workmen last September. It seemed clear that a united, harmonious and consistent request from all unions and organizations of the A. L. U., backed by an administration in whom the rank and file of the brewery workers had confidence, would have brought the brewery workmen into the A. L. U. at that time. And what would have been true of the brewery workmen, would have been true also of other organizations of an industrial character.
It, therefore, seemed the first duty of conscientious union men, regardless of affiliation, prejudice or personal interest, to lay the foundation upon which all the working people, many of whom are now organized, might unite upon a common ground, to build a labor organization that would correspond to modern industrial conditions, and through which they might finally secure complete emancipation from wage slavery for all wage workers.
November 29, 1904, the following letter, inspired by others as well as those who signed it, was sent to about thirty men, inviting them to meet in Chicago, January 2, 1905, to discuss this question:
Chicago, Ill., Nov. 29, 1904.
Dear Brother:
Developments of the past year have convinced us that craft division and political ignorance are doomed to speedily end.
Asserting our confidence in the ability of the working class, if correctly organized, on both industrial and political lines, to take possession of and operate successfully for their own interests the industries of the country;
Believing that working class political expression, through the Socialist ballot, in order to be sound, must have its economic counterpart in a labor organization builded as the structure of Socialist society, embracing within itself the working class in approximately the same groups and departments and industries that the workers would assume in the working class administration of the Co-Operative Commonwealth;
Realizing that to wisely inaugurate such a movement will require the putting aside of every selfish consideration by those who undertake the tremendous task;
We invite you to meet with us at Chicago, Monday, January 2, 1905, in secret conference, to discuss ways and means of uniting the working people of America on correct revolutionary principles, regardless of any general labor organization of past or present, and only restricted by such basic principles as will insure its integrity as a real protector of the interests of the workers.
You are to notify the Committee, through the Secretary, W. L. Hall, No. 3 Haymarket Building, Chicago, of your compliance with this invitation.
Names on enclosed list are of those invited to participate in the conference.
Fraternally yours,
WILLIAM E. TRAUTMANN,
(Editor Brewers’ Journal.)
GEORGE ESTES,
W. L. HALL,
EUGENE V. DEBS,
CLARENCE SMITH,
CHARLES O. SHERMAN.
The invitation was accepted by nearly all who were invited, and the conference met, as called, January 2, last. The proceedings of the conference, including the action of the conference, is submitted herewith, for the consideration of this convention:
THE CHAIRMAN: Is it the wish of the convention to hear the proceedings of the January conference?
A DELEGATE: Give us a summary.
The proceedings of the conference were then read by Delegate Clarence Smith. During the reading, when the letter from Max Hayes was read, it was received with manifestations of displeasure. The paper is as follows:
CHICAGO, ILL., JANUARY 2, 1905.
A conference of industrial unionists was held at 122 Lake street, Chicago, on this date.
The meeting was called to order by W. E. Trautmann, Editor of the “Brauer Zeitung,” at 10.30 A. M.
Wm. D. Haywood elected permanent Chairman and Geo. Estes permanent Secretary.
Roll call disclosed twenty-two persons present, as follows:
Daniel McDonald, President A. L. U., Chicago, Room 3, Haymarket Building.
Clarence Smith, General Secretary-Treasurer A. L. U., Chicago. Room 3, Haymarket Building.
Chas. Moyer, President W. F. of M., Denver, Room 3, Pioneer Building.
W. D. Haywood, Secretary, W. F. of M. Denver, Room 3, Pioneer Building.
John M. O’Neil, Editor Miners’ Magazine, Denver, Room 3, Pioneer Building.
W. L. Hall, General Secretary-Treasurer U. B. R. E., Chicago, Room 3, Haymarket Building.
Frank McCabe, First Vice-President U. B. R. E., Chicago, Room 3, Haymarket Building.
W. J. Bradley, Third Vice-President U. B. R. E., Minneapolis, 25 Central avenue.
J. E. Fitzgerald, Fourth Vice-President U. B. R. E., Ft. Worth, General Delivery.
W. E. Trautmann, Editor “Brauer Zeitung,” Cincinnati, Ohio, Odd Fellows Temple.
Frank Krafft, member of the Brewery Workers’ Union, Chicago, 226 East North avenue.
A. M. Simons, Editor International Socialist Review, Chicago, 6 Fifth avenue.
W. J. Pinkerton, of the Switchmen’s Union, Kansas City.
Frank Bohn, Organizer S. L. P. and S. T. & L. A., New York.
John Guild, of the Bakers’ Union, Chicago.
Thomas J. Hagerty, of the A. L. U., Chicago, Room 3, Haymarket Building.
Chas. O. Sherman, General Secretary United Metal Workers, Chicago, 148 W. Madison street.
Thomas De Young, member General Executive Board, U. B. R. E., Houston, 1314 Bingham.
Dr. A. J. Swing, of the A. F. of M., Cincinnati.
F. D. Henion, member U. B. R. E., Minneapolis, 1115 Adams street, N. E. Minneapolis.
C. G. Kirkpatrick, of the United Metal Workers, Chicago.
Geo. Estes, of the U. B. R. E., Chicago.
W. J. Bradley appointed Sergeant-at-Arms.
W. E. Trautmann stated the purpose for which the conference was called.
The Secretary read communications from the following-named persons, not present, all of whom favored the purposes of the conference:
E. V. Debs, M. E. White, J. W. Slayton, A. V. Raley, J. A. Wayland, J. W. Vincent, W. G. Critchiow, E. N. Richardson, D. C. Coates, W. C. Walsh, Julius Zorn and Edward Boyce, and from the following named person not present who was unfavorable to the purposes of the meeting: Max S. Hayes.
C. O. Sherman and W. E. Trautmann reported the result of their conference with E. V. Debs at Terre Haute, and stated that he was entirely in accord with the objects and purposes of the meeting.
Pass word disseminated by the Chairman.
Recess at 12.05 until 1 P. M.
Called to order at 1.20 P. M., W. D. Haywood in the chair.
W. G. Critchlow, General Secretary International Laborers’ Union, admitted to the conference as a member thereof.
Moved by Trautmann, seconded by Guild, that Schmidt, of the Bakers’ Journal, be invited to become a member of the conference. Carried.
Hagerty, Hall, Sherman, Smith and Estes explained the purposes for which the conference was called.
W. Shurtleff, Secretary of the International Musical Union, and M. E. White, member of the General Executive Board, A. L. U., were admitted to the conference as members thereof.
Joseph Schmitt, Editor of the Bakers’ Journal, admitted to the conference as a member thereof.
Moved by Simons, seconded by Henion, that a committee be appointed to draw up and submit a plan of procedure for the conference. O’Neil moved to amend by referring the matter to the original committee that called the conference together. Seconded. Hall offered an amendment to the amendment calling for a committee of ten and naming Simons, Haywood, O’Neil, Trautmann and Bohn as five thereof. Seconded by Bradley. Critchlow moved as a substitute for the whole that a committee of ten be elected. Seconded by Estes and carried.
Nominations for this committee were Trautmann, Simons, Bradley, O’Neil, Hagerty, Haywood, Smith, Moyer, De Young, Sherman Fitzgerald, Pinkerton, Hall and Estes.
Moved by Hall, seconded by O’Neil, that when the conference adjourned it adjourn until 12.30 P. M., January 3. Carried.
Moved by Smith, seconded by Critchlow, that nominations close. Carried.
The chair appointed Critchiow and Shurtleff tellers.
The ballot was spread, closed and counted, resulting as follows:
Simons, 22; O’Neil, 22, Trauinann, 21, Hagerty, 20, Haywood, 19, Sherman, 18, Estes, 18, Moyer, 17, Smith, 15, Hall, 13, Bohn, 13, Pinkerton, 9, Bradley, 9, De Young, 7. Fitzgerald, 4.
Sirnons, O’Neil, Trautmann, Hagerty, Haywood, Sherman, Estes, Moyer and Smith were declared duly elected.
Second ballot on Hall and Bohn resulted in 11 votes for Hall and 9 for Bohn. Hall declared duly elected.
Conference adjourned at 6.30 P. M. until 12.30 P. M., January 3.
GEO. ESTES, Secretary of Conference.
Called to order at 1.50 P. M., W. D. Haywood in the chair. Pass word taken up.
Mother Jones present in addition to those specified heretofore.
Minutes of previous meeting read and approved. Report of Committee on Procedure read. (Report attached.)
Moved by Bradley, seconded by Bohn, that the report be accepted and debated. Carried.
Moved by Swing, seconded by Bohn, that the report be debated seriatim. Carried.
Moved by Simons, seconded by Bohn, that the words “The” and “Of the World” in first paragraph be stricken out. Carried.
Moved by Bohn, seconded by Trautmann, that the first paragraph be adopted as amended. Carried.
Moved by Bohn, seconded by Simons, that the second paragraph be adopted as read. Carried.
Moved by Simons, seconded by Bohn, that the third paragraph be adopted as read. Carried.
Moved by Hagerty, seconded by Simons, that the following be made the fourth paragraph:
“That this Union be established as the economic organization of the working class without affiliation with any political party.” Carried.
Moved by Shurtleff, seconded by Bradley, that clause five be adopted. Carried.
Moved by Bradley, seconded by Hagerty, that clause six be adopted. Carried.
Moved by White that clause seven be adopted as read; seconded and carried.
Moved by Hagerty, seconded by Trautmann, that clause eight be adopted as read. Carried.
Moved by Swing, seconded by Shurtleff, that clause nine be adopted as read. Carried.
Moved by Bradley, seconded by Shurtleff, that clause ten be adopted as read. Carried.
Moved by Bohn, seconded by Trautmann, that clause eleven be adopted as read. Carried.
Moved by Sherman, seconded by Swing, that clause twelve be adopted as read. Carried.
Moved by Hall, seconded by White, that the date of the convention be the fourth Monday in June, 1905. Carried.
Place for holding the convention being under consideration, Hall nominated Chicago; Sherman nominated Milwaukee, White nominated Omaha. Vote resulted as follows: Chicago, fifteen; Milwaukee, six; Omaha, three. Chicago declared as the city selected for the convention.
Hall moved the election of a committee of twelve, Chairman Haywood to be ex-officio an additional member thereof, to draw up the Manifesto. Seconded.
Amended by Swing that the Committee on Procedure with two additional members draw up the Manifesto. Seconded by Hagerty. Amendment carried.
O’Neil nominated Bohn, Haywood nominated Mother Jones; both elected by acclamation.
Moved by O’Neil, seconded by Bohn, that the committee meet in Wostas Hall at 8 o’clock A. M., January 4. Carried.
Moved by Smith, seconded by Hagerty, that the conference adjourn until 5.30 P. M., January 4. Carried.
Adjourned.
Chicago, Ill., January 3, 1905.
The Committee on Methods and Procedure to be adopted by the Chicago conference of Industrial Unionists called to order at 9 A. M. in Wostas Hall, 122 Lake street. W. D. Haywood elected Chairman, Geo. Estes, Secretary.
Moved by Simons, seconded by Hagerty, that the committee recommend the creation of a General Industrial Union, embracing all industries. Carried.
Moved by Smith that the proposed organization shall in form embrace the following principles: Craft autonomy locally; industrial autonomy internationally; working class unity generally. Seconded by Hagerty. Carried.
Moved by Hagerty, seconded by Hall, that the plan of organization be founded on the recognition of the class struggle and that the General Administration thereof be conducted in agreement with this recognition of the irrepressible conflict between the working class and the capitalist class. Carried.
Moved by Hall, seconded by Hagerty, that all power rest in the collective membership. Carried.
Moved by Hall, seconded by Trautmann, that local, national and general administration, including transfers, labels, buttons, badges, initiation fees and per capita tax shall be uniform. Carried.
Moved by Moyer, seconded by Simons, that transfers of membership between all unions, local, national and international shall be universal. Carried.
Moved by Simons, seconded by Trautmann, that all members shall hold membership in the local national or international union having jurisdiction over the industry in which they are employed. Carried.
Moved by Trautmann, seconded by Hall, that the General Administration issue a publication at regular intervals to all members representing the organization and its principles. Carried.
Moved by Hagerty, seconded by Estes, that a central defense fund to which all members contribute equally, shall be established and maintained. Carried.
Moved by Haywood, seconded by Trautmann, that a general convention be called at a date and place to be fixed by this conference for the purpose of organizing a movement along the lines herein set forth. Carried.
Moved by Trautmann, seconded by Moyer, that eligibility to participation in the convention include all who subscribe to the plans and principles set forth in the declaration accompanying the call. Carried.
Adjourned.
Chicago, July 3, 1905.
First—The committee recommends the creation of a general industrial union, embracing all industries.
Second—That the proposed organization shall embrace the following principles: Craft autonomy, locally; industrial autonomy, internationally; working class unity, generally.
Third—That the plan of organization be founded on the recognition of the class struggle, and that the general administration thereof be conducted in agreement with the recognition of the irrepressible conflict between the working class and the capitalist class.
Fifth—That all power rest in the collective membership.
Sixth—That local, national and general administration, including transfers, labels, buttons, badges, initiation fees and per capita tax shall be uniform.
Seventh—That transfers of membership without additional initiation fee, between all unions, local, national or international, shall be universal.
Eighth—That all members shall hold membership in the local, national or international unions having jurisdiction over the industry in which they are employed.
Ninth—That the general administration issue a publication at regular intervals to all members, representing the organization and its principles.
Tenth—That a central defense fund, to which all members contribute equally, shall be established and maintained.
Eleventh—That a general convention be called at a date and place to be fixed by this conference for the purpose of organizing a movement along lines herein set forth.
Twelfth—That eligibility to participation in the convention include all who subscribe to the plans and principles set forth in the declaration accompanying the call.
GEO. ESTES,
Secretary of Convention.
Called to order 1.30 P. M., W. D. Haywood in the chair. Minutes of the previous day read and approved. Committee on Manifesto reported.
Moved by Smith, seconded by Bohn, that a committee of three be appointed to re-write the Manifesto. Carried.
The chair appointed Simons, Trautmann and O’Neil for the committee.
Moved by Hagerty that the conference constitute itself an organized bureau with committees and a Secretary to conduct the necessary business incident to the calling of the coming convention in June. Committees to be appointed by the chair. The Secretary to be elected by the conference. Seconded by De Young.
Amended by Smith that an executive committee of five to conduct all the work incident to the calling of the convention, be elected. Seconded and carried.
Nominations for the Executive Committee were as follows: Trautmann, Smith, Hall, Moyer, Bohn, Hagerty, Estes, Haywood, and Sherman. Vote resulted in the election of Haywood, Hall, Simons, Trautmann and Smith.
Moved by Smith that the expenses of this conference be borne by the members of the conference and that the Executive Committee be instructed to find ways and means to provide the funds for the administration of its work incident to calling the convention. Seconded by Hagerty. Carried.
Moved by Moyer, seconded by O’Neil, that the Manifesto as rewritten be adopted. Hagerty amended the paragraphs of the Manifesto relating to transfers to include workingmen holding union cards from foreign countries. Seconded by Trautmann. Carried. Amended by Sherman to add the words, “Military and judiciary,” seconded by De Young. Carried. Motion to adopt the Manifesto as amended carried.
Moved by Trautmann, seconded by Sherman, that an invitation be extended to the continental Industrial Unions of Europe to send a representative to the convention in Chicago in June. Carried. The chair then announced that the matter of making and forwarding the invitation would be left in the hands of the Executive Committee.
The following persons then contributed fifty cents apiece toward the expenses of the conference: Haywood, Trautmann, Mother Jones, O’Neil Sherman, Hagerty, De Young, Moyer, White, Smith, Unterman, Krafft, Bradley, Pinkerton, Shurtleff, Hail and Estes. Adjourned sine die.
Chas. Moyer, A. M. Simons, David C. Coates, William E. Trautmann, Isaac Cowen, Victor Berger, Eugene V. Debs, J. W. Vincent, W. J. Pinkerton, J. E. Fitzgerald, W. J. Bradley, John L. Murphy, William D. Haywood, Thomas J. Hagerty, Clarence Smith, Joseph Proebstel, M. E. White, Max Hayes, Chas. O. Sherman, Michael Berry, Daniel McDonald, A. V. Raley, W. C. Walsh, W. F. Fox, John M. O’Neil, J. A. Wayland, Geo. Estes, Julius Zorn, W. L. Hall, J. W. Slayton, Edward Boyce, Mother Jones, Wade Shurtleff, Thomas De Young, O. Lorenzo, Dr. A. J. Swing, Frank Bohn, Frank McCabe, F. D. Henion, John Guild, Frank Krafft, C. G. Kirkpatrick.
W. G. Critchiow, President International Labor Union, arrived at the afternoon session.
W, Shurtleff came in late.
M. E. White came in at 3.05 P. M. Chicago, Ill., December 22, 1904.
My Dear Sir and Brother:
The developments of the past year have convinced us that craft divisions and political ignorance are doomed to speedily end.
Asserting our confidence in the ability of the working class, if correctly organized on both industrial and political fields, to take possession of and operate successfully for their own interests the industries of this country;
Believing the working class political expression, through the Socialist ballot, in order to be sound must have its economic counterpart in a labor organization builded as the structure of Socialist society, embracing within itself the working class in approximately the same groups and departments and industries the workers would assume in the working class administration of the Cooperative Commonwealth;
Realizing that to wisely inaugurate such a movement will require the putting aside of every selfish consideration by those who undertake the tremendous task;
We invite you to meet with us at Chicago, Monday, January 2, 1905, in secret conference, to discuss ways and means of uniting the working people of America on correct revolutionary principles, regardless of any general labor organization, past or present, and only restricted by such basic principles as will insure its integrity as a real protector of the interests of the workers.
You are requested to notify the committee, through the Secretary, W. L. Hall, Room 3, Haymarket Building, Chicago, Ill., of your compliance with this invitation.
Names on enclosed list are of those invited to participate in the conference.
Fraternally yours,
WILLIAM E. TRAUTMANN,
GEORGE ESTES,
W. L. HALL,
EUGENE V. DEBS,
CLARENCE SMITH,
CHAS. O. SHERMAN,
W. L. Hall. Esq.
Denver, Colo., Dec. , 1904.
Secretary Committee on Conference, January 2.
Dear Sir and Brother:
The committee’s notification at hand. Believe the move a right one! Will accept the invitation and be in Chicago, January 2, 1905.
In case of any change kindly notify me at once.
Fraternally,
M. E. WHITE.
Youngstown, Ohio, Dec. 8, 1904.
Dear Comrade Hall:
Your letter sent by “special delivery” just reached me, and I am more sorry than I can express that I am not able (financially) to be with those named for the purposes indicated, or at least to learn what they are in detail. You may know that I am one of those wage slaves that has quite a family and as a rule am always near the last dollar. Something may occur in the meantime to make it possible for me to be with you and if it does I surely will be there. If arrangements could be made for an agitation meeting for the Saturday and Sunday preceding the date you name it would help matters. I will hope and try. Let me hear from you again in the matter, telling me where the meeting is to be held, that is, building, and room, etc., and if possible I will be on hand.
Fraternally,
J. W. SLAYTON,
Youngstown, O., Dec. 13, 1904.
Comrade Hall:
I think you can count on me being at the conference to which I have been invited. I wrote you a few days ago and stated that it was quite a question on account of financial matters, but I think that phase of the matter can be overcome and now feel I will be there.
If anything turns up to prevent, will let you know. In the meantime let me know where the conference will be held so I will know just where to look for the comrades.
Fraternally,
J. W. SLAYTON.
J.W. Slayton
Youngstown, Ohio.
My Dear Sir and Comrade:
Your communication of the 13th inst., received. It affords us much gratification to know that you can shape your affairs to be with us in conference on the second of January.
This conference will meet at 10 o’clock on the morning of the second, in the Haymarket Theater, 161 W. Madison street, this city.
With the compliments of the season and highest personal regards,
I remain yours fraternally, Secretary.
Chicago, Ill., Dec. 15, 1904.
Langtry, Texas, Dec. 9, 1904.
Mr. W. L. Hall, Gen. Sec-Treas, Chicago, My Dear Brother Hall:
Your letter of recent date duly to hand, relative to the meeting, etc., and have since received the formal letter of invitation. Please accept thanks for the honor conveyed. I cannot say before the twentieth whether or not I shall be able to attend, but I will advise you about that time one way or the other. If not permitted to be with you in the flesh, I shall be in spirit, for as I wrote Comrade Fitz yesterday: “It will be an inspiration to sit in the presence of these ’destined to be’ historic men—men whom I feel are yet to be heard in the affairs of nations.” Excuse my seeming brevity as I am working “night and day,” my partner “at the key” being sick, hence I am rushed for time and not fit for letter writing. I am, as down the ages, your comrade,
ART. V. RALEY.
Langtry, Texas, Dec. 30, 1904.
Mr. W. L. Hall,
Room 3, Haymarket Building, Chicago, My Dear Brother Hall:
I write you to regretfully state that on account of financial circumstances I will not be in Chicago January 2, as I had hoped for. But I send you my message: “Every intelligent Socialist knows that with freedom of press and speech the cause must eventually win and by peaceful means. To continue to enjoy this degree of freedom (I cannot say we have real freedom of press or speech) is the hope of Socialism—to defeat even this present degree, the plan of capitalism. Capitalism owes its very existence now and hope for the future to the continued ignorance of the majority. This ignorance cannot continue to obtain unless a radical change of tactics is inaugurated by capitalism. The Socialist realizes this, so does the capitalist, and I say to you that with four years more of the present degree of freedom of propaganda, the awakening of the masses will have gained such proportions—reached that stage that the situation will have passed beyond the hope of their power to control by force. To me the coming four years hold the real crisis. The declared purpose of the Chicago meeting is noble, grand, and if in addition to adopting certain definite steps for the collective ownership and control of the means of life—some equally feasible plan be adopted for the systematic and universal dissemination of Socialist truths, that meeting will have been most opportune. There is nothing so important as this. Already we may see the hands of love working with definiteness, if we but look with
faith observing the outward manifestation of these irresistible unseen forces. So let us have faith and do our part and these negative powers of darkness now so threatening will vanish like evil shadows as before the sunrise of this now swiftly approaching day of universal peace.” Your friend,
A. V. RALEY.
Girard, Kansas, Dec. 12, 1904.
Comrade W. L. Hall:
If conditions will permit I may be in at the appointment. But I wouldn’t be worth anything in council. Fraternally,
J. A. WAYLAND.
Mr. W. L. Hall,
Chicago. Ill..
Burke, Ida., Dec. 54, 1904.
Dear Sir and Brother:
Your invitation to hand, and in pursuance of the request contained therein, I write you to let you know that it will be impossible for me to attend on account of lack of finances. No other reason would keep me away from the conference, which means so much in the labor movement. Though absent in person I will he with you in spirit and will try and do my share of all the work in the future.
With regard to all who can meet with you, and hoping for success, I remain, fraternally yours,
J. W. VINCENT.
W. L. Hall, Secretary,
Hayinarket Building, Chicago, Ill. Dear Sir and Brother:
Dayton, Ohio, Dec. ’5, 1904.
Replying to communication dated November 29, but which arrived in this morning’s mail, will say that at the present moment it appears as though the conference proposed can be of much good if even a part of the invited ones take part therein.
For myself, will say, that should a sufficient number exhibit a desire to be present, it will give me pleasure to be present and take part in the deliberations of the conference for purposes as outlined.
My proviso is necessary owing to the volume of work which is at hand for my attention in my regular line of routine work.
Wishing you success in the attempt, I remain,
Fraternally yours,
International Laborers’ Union,
Per W. G. CRITCHLOW, General President.
Chicago, Ill., Dec. 16, 1904.
W. C. Critchiow, Esq.,
General President, I. L. U., Dayton, O. My Dear Sir and Brother:
Your communication of yesterday saying: “For myself, will say, that should a sufficient number exhibit a desire to be present, it will give me pleasure to be present and take part in the deliberations of the conference, for the purposes outlined,” has been received. Replying, I am pleased to inform you that we have received assurance from twenty-five of the thirty men to whom we have issued invitations, that they will be present at this conference, which assures its success.
As you suggest in your letter, conditions are such that great good can be accomplished, just at this time, through a conference of the men whom we have selected to be present; and I am satisfied that great good will result.
The subject is of too broad a scope to outline to you by letter the subject matter that will come up for discussion in this convention. It is sufficient to suggest to you that the time is ripe for an economic organization of the world’s workers on lines, as near as possible, like those that would prevail under the Cooperative Commonwealth; which would represent class conscious, revolutionary principles.
One of the aims of the convention is to harmonize the warring factions in the various divisions of the progressive forces in the United States; and such other matter as might be suggested.
The convention is to be called at 10 o’clock on the morning of January 2, in the Haymarket Theater, 167 W. Madison street, in this city, and I trust that you will be able to shape affairs to be present.
With highest personal regards and compliments of the season, I
remain, yours fraternally, Secretary.
Mr. W. L. Hall, Secretary,
No. 3 Haymarket Building, Chicago, Ill. Dear Sir and Brother:
Your letter of the 16th bearing upon the proposed conference at Chicago, January 2, at hand this morning and carefully noted.
Accepting your statements, under the circumstances, you can count on my presence at the specified place and time.
Two members of our Executive Board and myself will also arrive in Chicago Tuesday evening, the 20th, and expect to have a conference with A. L. U. that evening. Since writing Smith have seen where he is in Denver, but we cannot alter our arrangements now. Perhaps he will return by the 20th though. It might be well for you to have the letter read to you in the A. L. U. office which he wrote on the 16th.
Dayton, Ohio, Dec. 18, 1904.
Will probably see you Tuesday evening or Wednesday morning,
anyway—hope so at least
Fraternally yours,
International Laborers’ Union,
Per W. G. CRITCHLOW, General President
Girard, Kansas, Dec. 17, 1904
W. L. Hall,
No. 3 Haymarket Theater Building, Chicago, Ill. Dear Sir and Brother:
Invitation to meet a number of the brothers interested in the labor movement at Chicago, January 2, 1905, received, and I regret more than I can express my inability to attend and take part in this discussion upon which I fully realize much depends.
I have engagements, which I cannot postpone, that will fully occupy all my time for the next thirty days.
However, in looking over the names of those invited I see so many who, like myself, stand for industrial unionism that I feel my absence will in no way interfere with the success of the meeting.
As Brother McDonald will tell you, I’m with you to the last ditch. Yours fraternally,
E. N. RICHARDSON.
December 18, 1904.
Mr. W. L. Hall,
Chicago, Ill.
Dear Sir and Brother:
The invitation to meet in conference in Chicago on January 2, 1905, with some of the noble souls of the labor movement, reached me in due time.
Nothing in this world would give me greater pleasure than to comply with that invitation, as I appreciate the importance and necessity for such a conference, and the men composing it are the men whom labor can depend upon with their whole heart and soul to do the right thing in their interest.
Under these circumstances, it makes me almost weep when I confess to you that my present circumstances will not permit me being present. It is a long ways from here to Chicago and I have not the means nor dare I spare the time at present to make the trip. So I will not be with you in flesh, but will be in spirit. My heart beats as strongly as ever for humanity’s cause, and I only wish I could grasp the hand of each one of the proposed conferees and start the battle anew.
I approve of the course the invitation outlines, and I appreciate the necessity for it, and I trust the conference will result in such cry of the wage slave.
Count me with you in voice and action as far as in my power lies. Count me one of you, and perhaps the day is not far distant when I can take an active part in whatever plan is outlined.
Give my kindest wishes to all who participate as I count them accomplishments as will make America ring with the emancipating all my friends, for they are the friends of all humanity.
Give me whatever work I can perform after the conference is over and I shall perform to the best of my ability and opportunity.
Yours for emancipation and with best wishes for the work of
the conference, D. C. COATES.
Minneapolis, Minn., Dec. 26, 1904.
W. L. Hall,
Room No. 3, Haymarket Building, Chicago, Ill. Dear Sir and Brother:
Replying to your favor of December 24, permit me to assure you that it is with the deepest sense of appreciation I accept the kind invitation to be present January 2, 1905.
At present I am unable to leave the house owing to an old wound which has completely incapacitated me for the past three weeks. Yet I assure you that I will be present if it is possible for me to travel at all, for to me it would be the pleasure of a lifetime to live for a day in the presence of the men you have mentioned in list. I being a railroad man it is almost needless for me to state that I was one of our worthy Brother E. V. Debs’ admirers as well as supporter in 1894, and will hail with joy the opportunity of once more grasping the hand of our noble chief. And while I have been for years associated with labor unions, my contentions are that permanent relief must come through Socialism. Thus, in my humble opinion, the star of our hopes, instead of being unionism, is Socialism.
Yet it is very necessary that labor unions be strengthened to the utmost until such times as Socialism has acquired strength to properly defend the wealth producer against the encroachments of the trusts and combines of greedy capital, thus hoping, as you say, that craft divisions and political ignorance are doomed to a speedy end.
I remain with earnest wishes for the success of meeting, also for future welfare of the wealth producer of America.
Truly yours,
W. C. WALSH.
Minneapolis, Minn., Dec. 31, 1904
Mr. W. L. Hall,
Chicago, Ill.
My Dear Sir and Brother:
It would be utterly impossible for me to express the regret I feel at finding myself unable to attend meeting on Monday next, but my affliction is such that I am unable to walk the wound referred to has resolved itself into a very painful ulcer.
However, it does not prevent me from wishing you and all my noble brethren a God speed in your undertaking in behalf of toiling humanity, and I hasten to say to you that upon my word and honor as a man and citizen of the United States to do all within my power to assist in this noble work; and again wishing for our future success, I remain, truly yours,
W. C. WALSH.
Cincinnati, Ohio, Dec. 21, 1904.
Mr. W. L. Hall,
Room No. 3, Haymarket Theater Building, Chicago, Ill. Dear Sir and Comrade:
Your invitation of recent date to attend a conference to beheld in the City of Chicago on January 2, 1905, by a number of prominent men active in the labor movement and a number of Socialists, is to hand. In reply will say that you must excuse me for not answering sooner, but circumstances did not permit it.
The main reasons for holding this conference, as I understand them, are to find ways and means to bring new life into the trades union movement of the country particularly, and, if possible, to change the present tactics of this movement and make same more progressive, more effective and more beneficiary to the wage workers of this country; also to build up a great class conscious organization.
It affords me great pleasure to be one of the invited comrades, but am sorry to say that for the following reasons I am unable to attend, and no doubt my colleague, Comrade Trautmann, who suggested my name, will corroborate my statement and my reasons:
First, my term of office as international secretary-treasurer expires on January 1, 1905, on which date my successor, Comrade Adam Huebner, will take charge of my office, and as Comrade Huebner is not acquainted with the work and as this work must be done very carefully, bookkeeping and finances being involved, therefore it is not very convenient for me to go, especially not, as Brother Huebner would undoubtedly feel slighted if I should absent myself without first having made him acquainted with his work. Further, it would not relieve me of my responsibilities.
Second, I am not well enough acquainted with the English language to take such part in the debates and discussions as I would like to take.
Third, I am not in the best of health and must take care of myself.
You can rest assured that I regret my inability to be present, as I am deeply interested in any movement that would bring about a more powerful and a more perfect organization, which would benefit the wage workers of this country, and would hasten the time of the emancipation of the wage workers from wage slavery.
My ideal of a genuine and good labor movement always was and is to-day, first, industrial organizations; that is, all employes of a certain industry to be organized under one great International Union, which should be affiliated with one gigantic national body, and then with an international alliance.
Second, we must not allow one industrial organization to build a Chinese wall around itself. Free transfers must be given by and accepted by one organization from another organization for members in good standing.
Third, we must get the control of not only the Government of this country, but of all civilized countries, and establish the Cooperative Commonwealth. This must be brought about by the use of the ballot box as taught by international Socialism.
Trusting that you will excuse my nonattendance, wishing you the best of success, and hoping that your work may be of everlasting benefit to the wage workers of this country, I remain,
Fraternally yours,
JUL. ZORN, International Secretary.
Wallace, Idaho, Dec. 27, 1904.
Mr. W. L. Hall,
Chicago, Ill.
Dear Sir and Brother:
Reply to your favor concerning the conference to be held in Chicago January 2, 1905, will say that I reached home Christmas Day after journeying from Boston, and owing to how I feel at this time I would not like to undertake another long trip. Therefore, I will be unable to be at your conference however much I would like to. In your deliberations I will be with you in spirit, and wish you the greatest measure of success in your deliberations.
Fraternally yours,
EDWARD BOYCE.
Terre Haute, Ind., Dec. 23, 1904.
Mr. Clarence Smith,
Chicago, Ill.
My Dear Comrade:
Your several favors have been received and noted. I have been unable to answer sooner, on account of illness which has kept me confined to my room during the last several weeks and from which I am but slowly recovering. The doctor has just informed me that I shall probably have to go South before there will be any appreciable recuperation of my strength. I shall not be able to attend the meeting on the second. I keenly regret this for I had counted on being with you and in giving such assistance as I could to the work of organizing that is to be undertaken along new and progressive lines. In spite of my best will this is now impossible. For a good many years I have been working without regard to myself and in all my life I have never known what it is to have a rest. The last year’s work was in many respects the hardest of my life. I spent myself too freely and have now reached the point when I must give up for a time as the doctor warned me that my nerves are worn down and that I am threatened with collapse. There is nothing the matter with me except that I am compelled to let go for a time and so I have had to cancel all my engagements for the immediate future. How soon I may be able to resume I do not know, but I think I shall have to quit the public platform entirely, or almost so, for a year or such matter. There are too many demands constantly upon me and I shall have to turn them aside until I can get myself in physical condition to resume my activities. Under any other circumstances I should have considered it a privilege as well as a pleasure to attend your meeting.
Please find draft enclosed covering the amount you were kind enough to advance to me. Please accept my warm thanks for the favor.
Profoundly regretting my inability to be with you and hoping the meeting may be fruitful of all the good results anticipated, I remain, yours faithfully,
E. V. DEBS.
Cleveland, O., Dec. 30, 1904.
W. L. Hall:
Dear Sir and Brother:
For two important reasons I will be unable to be present at the conference to which you have so kindly invited me, viz: “financial embarrassment, and, secondly, I am not altogether clear, as to what can be done or what it is proposed to do. You say, in the third paragraph, in substance, that the Socialist party must have its “economic counterpart,” etc., and in the fifth paragraph that it is your purpose to unite the workers on correct, revolutionary principles “regardless of any general labor organization of past or present.” This sounds to me as though we are to have another S. T. & L. A. experiment over again; that we, who are in the trade unions as at present constituted, are to cut loose and flock by ourselves. If I am correct in my surmises it means another running fight between Socialists on the one side and all other partizans on the other. Let me say frankly that under no circumstances will I permit myself to be dragged into any more secession movements or fratricidal wars between factors of workers because they are not of one mind at this juncture. If there is any fighting to be done I intend to use my energies and whatever ability I may possess to bombard the common enemy—capitalism. Moreover, I intend to put in whatever time and means that I have to agitate on the inside of the organizations now in existence to dump conservatism overboard and prepare to take their places “in the working class administration of the Cooperative Commonwealth.” Unless I am very much mistaken the rank and file of the trade unions are awakening as never before, and as soon as even a good-sized minority become thoroughly class conscious, the fossilized leaders will “go up in the air.”
From a strategic standpoint I would rather be inside the fort and take chances to secure the adoption of my plans than to be outside and regarded as an enemy. If the leaders of the S. L. P., so-called, had not made a number of glaring mistakes (as time has proven they did) the workers would have been won open to conviction long ago, and those of us who are active would not have been compelled to fight on the defensive. While not denying the right of men to secede, I question the tactics and especially when circumstances do not warrant such a move. At the present time the so-called pure and simple unions are throwing open their doors to a full and free discussion of all economic questions. I do not see that a purely Socialist union could do any more. And even if the present organizations changed their names next week and adopted high-sounding resolutions it would not mean any more Socialist votes unless the members understood our principles and changed their opinions.
Personally, I have absolutely no fear for the future as far as the present trade unions are concerned. While a few of the leaders are now “jagged” with power and a sense of their own importance, their peculiar performances makes their position insecure. If I am mistaken in my surmises and those who gather at your conference adopt ways and means to increase the activity and agitation in the trade unions in favor of progressive measures, and formulate plans to join and assist in the battle, nothing would please me more. In fact, I am sure that the conservative leaders would be more pleased to learn that they are to have opposition from the outside than that such opposition was becoming more formidable on the inside. I happen to know, for instance, that at every Federation convention there is more speculation and worrying about what the twenty or thirty odd Socialists intend doing than any equal number of men. Suppose the number of Socialist delegates were doubled or trebled?
Sincerely hoping that your conference will be able to grasp the full significance of the opportunities that confront our movement, and thanking you for the invitation extended, I am,
Yours fraternally,
MAX S. HAYES.
A DELEGATE: I should like to hear from Mother Jones on this question.
THE CHAIRMAN: The Mother says she is not ready to be heard from yet. What is the pleasure of the committee?
A DELEGATE: I move that the committee rise and report progress. (No second.)
DEL. ALBERT RYAN: Before adjournment I would like to make an announcement, that the special committee that was appointed this forenoon in reference to the stenographic report will meet on the stage immediately after adjournment.
The motion to rise and report progress was seconded.
THE CHAIRMAN: A motion has been made that the committee now rise and report progress. Are you ready for the motion?
A DELEGATE: As long as we have an hour’s time at our disposal, I think it ought to be devoted to the purpose for which we first went into Committee of the Whole. I hope that the motion will be voted down.
The motion that the committee rise and report progress was then put and carried, and the committee rose.
DEL. COATES: I move that the proceedings of the Committee of the Whole be made a part of the proceedings of the convention.
The motion was seconded and carried.
Del. Clarence Smith: I move that the Chairman appoint a committee of three to inspect and audit the accounts of the Executive Committee up to this convention and report to the convention.
The motion was seconded and carried. The Chairman appointed as the Auditing Committee Delegates Powers, Saunders and Twining.
The Credentials Committee then distributed badges to the delegates as the names were called.
There being no further business brought before the convention, an adjournment was then, at 5.10 P. M., taken until A. M. Thursday.
From : Marxists.org.
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January 18, 2021 : Day 2, Afternoon Session -- Added.
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