“On the ground of the class struggle," said Leibknecht, “we are invincible. If we leave it we are lost, because we are no longer Socialists. The strength and power of Socialism rests in the fact that we are leading a class struggle; that the laboring class is exploited and oppressed by the capitalist class, and that within capitalist society effectual reforms, which will put an end to class government and class exploitation, are impossible." Yes, I felt this to be true, but I had not yet become clear in my outlook. I did not fully realize that all government was class, as was all exploitation. I had not studied Marx sufficiently to see in the parliamentary republic but the republic of the propertied class—a joint stock affair. But I was nearing the position of the revolutionary Socialist. Most “revolutionary Socialists” never arrive, especially if they become professionals.

The above excerpt from Liebknecht may be considered the keynote to the manifesto I published in the Islington Daily Gazette on December 28th, 1906. This was addressed to the electors of the parliamentary division of Central Finsbury, and reminded them of my eligibility for candidature at the next general election. It proceeded to lay my views before the readers at great length. For what it is worth, I cite the following extract:—

“I desire you to understand fully the manner of man who is seeking your suffrage—one who denies the existence of God, and owes neither allegiance to King nor master. I am a soldier of truth, a minister of revolt, and my one duty in life is to respect myself. . . . Let us clear our minds of cant, and note what Socialism involves. To wit:—

“(1) A refusal to affirm loyalty to the present Constitution. . . .

"(2) Such a philosophic outlook on society as recognizes that the economic determinism that renders inevitable the natural supercession of the present state of society by the Socialistic invalidates all belief in the capricious interference of any Deity.

“(3) A recognition of the fact that reforms (so-called) cannot remove the gyves and fetters from off the masses; since all such reforms are passed by capitalists, who merely grant palliatives to deceive the people. The latter's economic serfdom remains thereby unaltered.

This being so, it follows that no Socialist has ever yet been returned to St. Stephen's. I now propose to extend to Central Finsbury the opportunity of so doing. But I warn the electorate that, if returned, my fight will be on a par with Bradlaugh’s — only greater. As I do not intend going to Parliament to mend, but to end, political humbug; as I stand as a revolutionary and atheist at that for all progress is atheistic—I shall not be allowed to take my scat. But I have not gone to war without counting the cost. If returned, I do not propose to palliate existing conditions, nor to support Social Democratic Federation candidates and Labor men who are willing to so palliate. I do not pretend that palliation is my object. I shall go to Westminster pledged to represent the hard-thinking section of the proletariat, who know that class-consciousness spells revolutions, sincerity, and common honestly. And in this an assault on the “House of Pretense," in the name of sincerity and common honesty. And in this assault I do not expect the support of either the Independent Labor Party or the Social Democratic Federation, since both of these bodies provide for mane compromise, involving a consequent betrayal of the workers. . . .

If returned, I shall not go to the prayer-meeting and thank a non-existent Deity. But I should attribute the success to the intelligence of the proletariat, or that section thereof, which constituted the electorate of Central Finsbury.

“Should this manifesto involve prosecution for seditious libel, let me say that I am acquainted with the law on the subject, and am quite prepared to take the consequences,"

Soon afterwards I realized how absurd it was for a revolutionary to wish to go to Parliament. I accordingly defined myself as an Anarchist Communist. But it must not be concluded that I was any less a Socialist. Central power or authority seemed to rely on no especial merit for its support, and merely represented the executive committee of a society founded on property. Its continued existence was incompatible with the fundamental principles of Socialism. So I repudiated it. Hence I was an Anarchist. My own reason must decide my every act. But I believed in nothing short of communism. Hence I was a Socialist. As I meant this—and saw no value in the workers seeking palliatives either on the parliamentary or industrial field—I was an impossiblist. Also a netheist. This was early in 1907, when I identified myself with the activity of the Freedom Group of Anarchists, and imagined that I had evolved a clear conception of my mission in a life of purposeless origin.