[1] See Lee Key-baik ed., Han-guksa simin gangjwa [The Citizens’ Forum on Korean History], special issue on “20 segi han-guk eul umjigin 10 dae sasang” [The Ten Thoughts that Moved Korea in the Twentieth Century] 25 (August 1999): iii–v for Lee Key-Baik’s assessment. In addition to anarchism the issue includes to the “ten thoughts” nationalism, social Darwinism, liberal democracy, communism, social democracy, modernization theory, “self-strengthening” idea, the minjung (the masses) cultural movement idea, and Kim Il-Sung’s juche (self-reliance) idea.

[2] Since the 1990s, the number of scholarly works on Korean anarchism in the form of both book and article have increased unprecedentedly, which culminated in the publication of a book on the centennial history of Korean anarchism by scholars from various disciplines, with the funding from the Korea Research Foundation. Gu Seunghoe et al., Han-guk anarchism 100 nyeon [One Hundred Years of Korean Anarchism] (Seoul: Ihaksa, 2004) [hereafter HAB].

[3] See, for example, HAB, Introduction and passim.

[4] An earliest case of it can be found in Kim Changsun and Kim Junyeop, Han-guk gongsan juui undongsa [A History of the Korean Communist Movement], 5 vols. (Seoul: Cheonggye yeon-guso, 1986, new edition).

[5] Yi Horyong, Han-guk ui anarchism—sasang pyeon [Anarchism in Korea—Its Ideas] (Seoul: Jisik san-eop sa, 2001) [hereafter HASP], 137–166; Bak Hwan, Sikminji sidae hanin anarchism undongsa [A History of Korean Anarchist Movement during the Colonial Period] (Seoul: Seonin, 2005) [hereafter SSAU]; Oh Jang-Whan, Han-guk anarchism undongsa yeon-gu [A Study on the History of Korean Anarchist Movement] (Seoul: Gukak jaryowon, 1998) [hereafter HAUY ]; and HAB.

[6] Horiuchi Minoru, “Nanka kanjin seinen renmei to kokushoku kyōhudan” [The League of Korean Youth in South China and the Black Terror Party], CMUK 8 (April 1992): 9.

[7] HASP; SSAU; and HAUY.

[8] John Crump, “Anarchism and Nationalism in East Asia,” Anarchist Studies 4–1 (March 1996): 46, 47, and 49.

[9] Song Seha, “Chōsenjin ni yoru anakizumu undō no kako to genzai” [The Past and Present of Anarchist Movements by Koreans], Anakizumu [Anarchism] 3 (May 1974): 16.

[10] See Guksa pyeonchan wiwonhoe ed., Han-guk dongnip undongsa [A History of Korean Independence Movement], 5 vols. (Seoul: Guksa pyeonchan wiwonhoe, 1969); HASP, 294–314; Kang Man-gil ed., Shin Chaeho (Seoul: Goryeo daehakgyo chulpanbu, 1990); and Shin Yongha, “Shin Chaeho ui mujeongbu juui dongnip sasang” [Shin Chaeho’s Anarchist Ideas of Independence], in Kang, Shin Chaeho, 78–147.

[11] The relationship between the rise of radicalism in China in terms of its “internationalist utopianism” and national consciousness is extensively discussed in Arif Dirlik, Anarchism in the Chinese Revolution (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1991): chapter 2, and Rebecca E. Karl, Staging the World: Chinese Nationalism at the Turn of the Twentieth Century (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2002).

[12] To see anarchism not as a social revolutionary idea but as an adopted nationalist idea for the goal of independence is a general trend in South Korean scholarship on Korean anarchism. See HASP; SSAU; and Kim Myeongseop, “Jaeil hanin anarchism undong yeon-gu” [A Study on the Korean Anarchist Movement in Japan] (PhD dis., Dan-gook University, 2001).

[13] For Jeong’s life as an anarchist, see his memoirs in two different editions. Jeong Hwaam, Jeong Hwaam hoego rok: Eo-neu anarchist ui momeuro sseun geundaesa [Memoir of Jeong Hwaam—A Modern History Written by an Anarchist with His Body] (Seoul: Jayu mun-go, 1992) [hereafter JHH] and Jeong Hwaam, I joguk eodiro gal geosin ga: na ui hoego rok [Where Will This Country Head? My Memoirs] (Seoul: Jayu mun-go, 1982) [hereafter IJEG]. The former is a revised and expanded version of the latter.

[14] Quoted in Kim Hakjun ed., Hyeokmyeongga deul ui hang-il hoesang: Kim Seongsuk, Jang Geonsang, Jeong Hwaam, Yi Ganghun ui dongnip tujaeng [Revolutionaries’ Recollections of Anti-Japanese Struggles: Struggles for the Independence by Kim Seongsuk, Jang Geonsang, Jeong Hwaam, and Yi Ganghun], interviewed by Lee Chong-sik (Seoul: Mineumsa, 1988) [hereafter HHH], 281.

[15] Yi Jeonggyu, “Udang Yi Hoeyeong seonsaeng yakjeon” [A Brief Biography of Mr. Yi Hoeyeong], in Ugwan munjon [Collected Works of Yi Jeonggyu] by Yi Jeonggyu (Seoul: Samhwa insoe, 1974) [this volume is abbreviated hereafter as UM], 56.

[16] Sim Yongcheol, “Naui hoego” [My Memoir], in 20 segi jungguk joseon jok yeoksa jaryojip [Historical Materials on the Koreans in China in the Twentieth Century] by Sim Yonghae and Sim Yongcheol (Seoul: Jungguk joseon minjok munhwa yesul chulpansa, 2002), 300 and 511. Sim also used to use his pen name, Sim Geukchu in Korean or Shen Keqiu in Chinese.

[17] Henry Em, “Nationalism, Post-Nationalism, and Shin Ch’ae-ho,” Korea Journal 39–2 (summer 1999): 313.

[18] Yi Jeonggyu, “Jaseo” [Preface] (May 7, 1974), in UM, 11.

[19] Xiaoqun Xu, “Cosmopolitanism, Nationalism, and Transnational Networks: The Chenbao Fujuan, 1921–1928,” The China Review 4–1 (Spring 2004): 145–173.

[20] Dirlik, Anarchism.

[21] See, for example, Yu Ja-myeong, Yu Ja-myeong sugi: han hyeokmyeong ja ui hoeeok rok [Yu Ja-myeong’s Memoirs: A Revolutionary’s Memoirs] (Cheon-an: Dongnip gi-nyeomgwan han-guk dongnip undongsa yeon-guso, 1999) [hereafter YJS], 59–60, 71, 74. Yu named his memoirs after Peter Kropotkin’s book, A Revolutionary’s Recollection. See YJS, 74–75.

[22] See Dongyoun Hwang, “Korean Anarchism before 1945: A Regional and Transnational Approach,” in Anarchism and Syndicalism in the Colonial and Postcolonial World, 1870–1940: The Praxis of National Liberation, Internationalism, and Social Revolution, eds. Steven Hirsch and Lucien van der Walt (Leiden: Brill, 2010), 95–130.

[23] Alifu Delike [Arif Dirlik], “Dongyade xiandaixing yu geming: quyu shiye zhongde zhongguo shehui zhuyi” [Eastern Asian Modernity and Revolution: Chinese Socialism in Regional Perspective], Makesi zhuyi yu xianshi [Marxism and Reality] 3 (2005): 8–16.

[24] The current scholarship on Korean anarchism recognizes the interactions between Korean and other Asian anarchists in China and Japan but only describes their joint activities and alliances without explaining the historical implications of them to both Korean and regional anarchism.

[25] See, for example, HAUS.

[26] Delike, “Dongyade xiandaixing,” 8–16; Arif Dirlik, “Socialism in China: A Historical Overview,” in The Cambridge Companion to Modern Chinese Culture, ed. Kam Louie (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2008), 155–172; and Arif Dirlik, “Anarchism in Early Twentieth Century China: A Contemporary Perspective” Journal of Modern Chinese History 6–2 (December 2012): 131–146.

[27] Karl, Staging the World.

[28] Christopher E. Goscha, Thailand and the Southeast Asian Networks of the Vietnamese Revolution, 1885–1954 (London: Curzon Publishers, 1999).

[29] See Dongyoun Hwang, “Beyond Independence: The Korean Anarchist Press in China and Japan in the 1920s–1930s,” Asian Studies Review 31–1 (2007): 3–23 for the publication activities of Korean anarchists in China and Japan, and also Hwang, “Korean Anarchism,” 95–130.

[30] For the question of place in anarchist practice, see Arif Dirlik, “Anarchism and the Question of Place: Thoughts from the Chinese Experience,” in Anarchism and Syndicalism, eds. Hirsch and van der Walt (Leiden: Brill, 2010), 131–146. Quotes are from 132–133.

[31] See Robert Wuthnow, Communities of Discourse: Ideology, and Social Structure in the Reformation, the Enlightenment, and European Socialism (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1989), 9, 15.

[32] I’d like to thank one of the anonymous reviewers for the SUNY Press for suggesting the use of the term networks of practice, which I modified to networks of discourse and practice.

[33] The definition is John and Jean Comaroff’s and is introduced by Arif Dirlik for his argument of regional perspective,” in Delike, “Dongyade xiandaixing,” 15 and 16n11.

[34] See Dongyoun Hwang, “Geupjin juuija deul ui Tokyo roui idong gwa jipjung—1900–1920 nyeondae dongbu asia geupjin juui ui daedu, hwaksan, geurigo geu uimi [The Movement and Concentration of Radicals to Tokyo: The Rise, Development, and Implications of Radicalism in Eastern Asia from the 1900s to 1920s], in Dongyoun Hwang’s Saeroun gwageo mandeulgi: gweonyeok sigak gwa dongbu asia yeoksa jaeguseong [Making a New Past: A Reconstruction of Eastern Asian History from Regional Perspective], (Seoul: Hyean, 2013), 178–208.

[35] I have already suggested this possibility elsewhere. Hwang, “Geupjin juuija deul,” 178–208.

[36] Nym Wales and Kim San, Song of Ariran: A Korean Communist in the Chinese Revolution (San Francisco: Ramparts Press, 1941) [hereafter SOA].

[37] SOA, 89, 107, and 118.

[38] Dirlik, Anarchism, esp. chapter 3.

[39] John Crump, Hatta Shūzō and Pure Anarchism in Interwar Japan (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1993), 21–43. Ōsugi’s extreme commitment to individual liberation, I suspect, led him to his antipathy even against anarchism, when he said, “For some reason, I hate anarchism a bit.” Quoted in Peter Duus and Irwin Schneider, “Socialism, Liberalism, and Marxism, 1901–1931,” in The Cambridge History of Japan, vol. 6, ed. Peter Duus (Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 1999), 693. Also see Ōsugi Sakae, The Autobiography of Ōsugi Sakae, trans. and intro. Byron K. Marshall (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1992).

[40] At his trial Bak also showed some antipathy against anarchism by stating that he was not an anarchist but rather a nihilist. Kim Sam-ung, Bak Yeol pyeongjeon [A Commentary Biography of Bak Yeol] (Seoul: Garam gihoek, 1996), 89–90, 99, and 102.

[41] SOA, 139.

[42] SOA, 140.

[43] Arif Dirlik, “Anarchism in East Asia,” Encyclopedia Britannica, accessed August 21, 2015, www.britannica.com.

[44] HHH, 276. This is how Jeong Hwaam described the Koreans’ general understanding of anarchism.

[45] For the rise of a regional identity among radicals as “Asians,” see Dongyoun Hwang, “20segicho dongbu asia geupjin juui wa ‘asia’ ge-nyeom” [Radicalism and the Idea of ‘Asia’ in Early Twentieth Century East Asia], Daedong munhwa yeon-gu [The Journal of Eastern Studies] 50 (June 2005): 121–165.

[46] I want to note here that sources for the study of Korean anarchism are very fragmentary and limited, as the activities of Korean anarchists had mostly been conducted in secret. Even the prominent anarchist Yi Jeonggyu lamented after 1945 that he was not able to locate information and materials on his own anarchist life and activities. See Yi Jeonggyu, “Jaseo,” 12. The discussion below, therefore, relies on the limited, fragmented sources available, both primary and secondary.

[47] HASP, 82–95 and passim.

[48] Dirlik, Anarchism, 82.

[49] Peter Zarrow, Anarchism and Chinese Political Culture (New York: Columbia University Press, 1990), 209.

[50] See, for example, Jo Sehyeon, “1920 nyeondae jeonban-gi jae jungguk hanin anarchism undong—hanjung anarchist ui gyoryu reul jungsim euro” [The Korean Anarchist Movement in the Early 1920s—Focusing on the Interactions between Korean and Chinese Anarchists], Han-guk geunhyeondaesa yeon-gu [Studies on Korean Modern and Contemporary History] 25 (Summer 2003): 338–373.

[51] Zhonggong zhongyang makesi engesi leining sidalin zhezuo fanyiju yanjiushi ed., Wusi shiqi qikan jieshao [Introduction to Periodicals during the May Fourth Period] 3, part 1 (Shenyang: Sanlian shudian, 1979), 186.

[52] Yungong, “Guangming yundong de qiantu” [The Future of the Light Movement], Guangming [The Light] 1 (December 1, 1921): 10. Quoted in HASP, 157.

[53] Chushen, “Zhonghan de guangming yundong” [The Light Movement in China and Korea], Guangming [The Light] 1 (December 1, 1921): 17. Quoted in HASP, 157.

[54] HASP, 145, 151–153.

[55] Nammyeong, “Kropotkin ui jugeum e daehan gamsang” [Reflections on Kropotkin’s Death], Cheon-go [Heavenly Drum] 2 (February 1921), in Danjae Shin Chaeho ui Cheon-go [Shin Chaeho’s Cheon-go journal], ed. and annotated. Choe Gwangsik (Seoul: Asia Research Center, Korea University, 2004), 173–178.

[56] For Shifu, see Edward S. Krebs, Shifu: Soul of Chinese Anarchism (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 1998). Shifu himself worked with Japanese anarchist Yamaga Taiji (1892–1970), who briefly assisted Shifu in Guangzhou in the publication of Minsheng (Voice of People). See Tamagawa Nobuaki, Chūgoku anakizumu no kage [Shades of Chinese Anarchism] (Tokyo: Sanichi Shohō, 1974) [hereafter CANK], 88–94 and Krebs, Shifu, 126.

[57] Mujeongbu juui undongsa pyeonchan wiwonhoe ed., Han-guk anarchism undongsa [A History of Korean Anarchist Movement] (Seoul: Hyeongseol chulpansa, 1989) [hereafter HAUS], 141–142, and Ha Girak, “Danjae ui anarchism [Shin Chaeho’s Anarchism], in Danjae Shin Chaeho seonsaeng tansin 100 ju-nyeon gi-nyeom nonjip [Collected Articles on Mr. Shin Chaeho’s 100^th Birthday], ed. Danjae Shin Chaeho seonsaeng gi-nyeom sa-eophoe (Seoul: Hyeongseol chulpansa, 1980), 352–353.

[58] HAUS, 141–142, 315.

[59] Hankyoreh sinmunsa ed., Balgul: Han-guk hyeondae sa inmul [Excavations: Persons in Modern Korean History] (Seoul: Hankyoreh simunsa, 1992), 42.

[60] For a commentary biography of Yi with emphasis on his relationship with other Korean anarchists, see Yi Deok-il, Anarchist Yi Hoeyeong gwa jeolmeun geudeul [Yi Hoeyeong and Those Who Were Young] (Seoul: Ungjin datkeom, 2001).

[61] Ibid.

[62] YJS, 12.

[63] Mizuno Naoki, “Tōhō hiappaku minzoku regōkai (1925–1927) ni tsuite” [On the United Society of the Eastern Oppressed Peoples (1925–1927)], in Chūgoku kokumin kakumei no kenkyū[A Study of the National Revolution in China], ed. Hazama Naoki (Kyōto: Kyōto daigakko jinbun kagaku kenkyūjo, 1992), 309–350.

[64] Dongyoun Hwang, “Raising the Anarchist Banner of National Struggle: Yu Ja-myeong (1894–1985) and the League for the Korean National Front, 1937–1941” (unpublished paper).

[65] For the Righteous Group, see Kim Yeongbeom, Han-guk geundae minjok undong gwa Uiyeoldan [Modern Korean National Movement and the Righteous Group] (Seoul: Changjak gwa bipyeongsa, 1997).

[66] Shin Chaeho, “Declaration of the Korean Revolution (1923),” trans. Dongyoun Hwang, in Anarchism: A Documentary History of Libertarian Ideas: From Anarchy to Anarchism (300 CE to 1939), vol. 1, ed. Robert Graham (Montreal: Black Rose Books, 2005), 373–376. Also see Ha, “Danjae ui anarchism,” 353.

[67] See a short chronology of Yu’s life in Danju Yu Rim seonsaeng gi-nyeom sa-eophoe ed., Danju Yu Rim jaryojip [Collected Materials on Mr. Yu Rim] vol. 1 (Seoul: Danju Yu Rim seonsaeng gi-nyeom sa-eophoe, 1991) [hereafter DYRJ], 262–264.

[68] Personal communication with Mr. Kim Young-Chun, Mr. Sin Nage, and Ms. Park Jeong-Hee on June 17, 2015.

[69] Lee Mun Chang, Haebang gonggan ui anarchist [Korean Anarchists in the Space after Liberation] (Seoul: Ihaksa, 2008) [hereafter HGA], 56.

[70] HGA, 56.

[71] Yi Jeonggyu, “Silcheon ha-neun saram doera” [Become a Man of Words] (April 1956), in UM, 356.

[72] Quoted in Bak Hwan, Manju hanin minjok undongsa yeon-gu [A Study of the History of Korean National Movement in Manchuria] (Seoul: Iljogak, 1991) [hereafter MHMU], 284.

[73] Nihon anakizumu undō jinmei jiten hensan iinkai ed., Nihon anakizumu undō jinmei jiten [Biographical Dictionary of Japanese Anarchist Movement] (Tokyo: Poru shuppan, 2004) [hereafter NAUJJ], 703 and HAUY, 136.

[74] Edward S. Krebs notes that some Chinese anarchists used the term dang (political party) to refer to their movement during this time probably in response to the rise of the Chinese Communist Party. Edward S. Krebs, “The Chinese Anarchist Critique of Bolshevism during the 1920s,” in Roads Not Taken: The Struggle of Opposition Parties in Twentieth-Century China, ed. Roger B. Jeans (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1992), 205.

[75] Zhongguo dier lishi dang’an guan ed., Zhongguo wuzhengfu zhuyi he zhongguo shehuidang [Chinese Anarchism and the Chinese Socialist Party] (n.p.: Jiangsu renmin chubanshe, 1981), 160–161.

[76] Yi Horyong, “Yi Hoeyeong ui anarchist hwaldong” [The Anarchist Activities of Yi Hoeyeong], Han-guk dongnip undonngsa yeon-gu [Studies on the History of Korean Independence Movement] 33 (2009): 208n87.

[77] Oh Jang-Whan, “Yi Jeonggyu ui mujeongbu juui undong” [Yi Jeonggyu’s Anarchist Movement], Sahak yeon-gu [Historical Studies] 49 (1995): 187–188.

[78] For more on Fan’s life and activities, see NAUJJ, 525 and HAUS, 308 and 312. For a very brief description of the journal, see NAUJJ, 752. Lin’s name appears in an English article, “Information of Korean Anarchist Activities” carried on the last page of the first issue (June 1, 1928) of Talhwan [The Conquest], a Korean anarchist journal published in China.

[79] For Eroshenko’s activities in China, see Xu Xiaoqun, “Cosmopolitanism, Nationalism,” 154–161.

[80] Oh Jang-Whan, “Yi Jeonggyu,” 182–185.

[81] HHH, 292.

[82] HAUS, 137.

[83] Yi Horyong, “Yi Hoeyeong ui anarchist,” 204.

[84] Bak Hwan, “Yi Hoeyeong gwa geu ui minjok undong” [Yi Hoeyeong and His National Movement], in MHMU, 283–285.

[85] Yi Jeonggyu, “Udang Yi Hoeyeong seonsaeng yakjeon” [A Brief Biography of Mr. Yi Hoeyeong], in UM, 50.

[86] Jeong certainly was an important Korean anarchist in China, but Yi Gyuchang, a son of Yi Hoeyeong, recalls that Jeong had some personal issues that often displeased his comrades in China. See Yi’s testimony in Gukka bohuncheo ed., Dongnip yugongja jeung-eon jaryojip [A Collection of the Testimonies of the Men of Merit for Independence], vol. 1 (Seoul: Gukka bohuncheo, 2002) [hereafter DYJJ], 160.

[87] HAUS,137 and HHH, 277.

[88] HHH, 267; Choe Gapryong, Hwang-ya ui geom-eun gitbal [A Black Flag in the Wilderness] (Seoul: Imun chulpansa, 1996) [hereafter HYGG], 81.

[89] HHH, 50, 371–372.

[90] HASP, 125.

[91] NAUJJ, 712; Horiuchi Minoru, “Yu Giseok,” CMUK 8 (April 1992): 121, and Jo Sehyun, “1920 nyeondae jeonban-gi jae jungguk” 367.

[92] HAUS, 296–297 and NAUJJ, 712, 772.

[93] Shen Keqiu, “Fuchen zai xiaoyan miman de shidai langchaozhong—Ji Liu Shuren de yisheng” [Drifting Along in the Tidal Wave of the Times When Smoke of Gunpowder Filled the Air—Remembering Liu Shuren’s Life], HNJ 5 (February 1990): 30. Yu is known in China as Liu Xu. It seemed that Yu never forgot that he was Korean. See Shen Keqiu, “Huainian Liu Xu xiong” [Cherishing the Memory of Yu Seo], HNJ 2 (July 1987): 55. I am grateful to Professor Sakai Hirobumi for sharing these materials with me.

[94] HAUS, 296–297 and NAUJJ, 712, 772; and Shen Keqiu, “Fuchen zai,” 37. According to some Chinese sources and Jeong Hwaam’s recall, Wang was not so much an anarchist as head of a terror-minded “gangster” or, to use Jeong’s word, a “bandit (yumin), who used to involve in politics.” Wang, however, is described as a “patriotic killer” (aiguo shashou) by Shen Keqiu, “Fuchen zai,” 37. It is true that Wang worked closely with many Korean anarchists in the 1920s and ’30s and used to be in charge of the “military force section” (junshibu) of the Chinese Anarchists Alliance in Shanghai, when it was secretly formed at Huaguang Hospital in 1922. See Zheng Peigang, “Wuzhengfu zhuyi zaizhongguo de ruogan shishi” [Some Facts about Anarchist Movement in China], in Wuzhengfu zhuyi sixiang ziliao xuan [Collected Materials on Anarchist Ideas], 2 vols., eds. Ge Maochun, Jiang Jun, and Li Xingzhi (Beijing: Beijing daxue chubanshe, 1984) [this volume is abbreviated hereafter as WZSX], 965–966; Guo Zhao, “Shenmi de Wang Yachu” [Mysterious Wang Yachu], Wenshi ziliao xuanji [Collected Materials on Literature and History] 19 (May 1989): 114–130; Shen Meijuan, “‘Ansha dawang’ Wang Yachu” [Wang Yachu, The Great Master of Assassination], Zhuanji wenxue [Biographical Literature] 56–4 (April 1990): 120–132; Guan Dexin, “Guan yu ‘Ansha dawang Wang Yachu’ buzheng” [Supplementary Additions to ‘Wang Yachu, The Great Master of Assassination’], Zhaunji wenxue [Biographical Literature] 56–4 (April 1990): 119; and HHH, 319.

[95] Sim Yongcheol, “Naui hoego,” 93.

[96] WZSX, 1063.

[97] NAUJJ, 335.

[98] Shen Keqiu, “Huainian Liu Xu,” 57.

[99] YJS, 286–287. Sim Yongcheol, “Naui hoego,” 133 and 202–203, and Shen Rongche [Sim Yonghcheol], “Ershiliuge chunqiu—Ji Shen Ruqiu de duanzan yisheng” [Twenty-Six Years—Remembering Shen Ruqiu’s Short Life], HNJ 5 (February 1990): 63.

[100] Sim Yongcheol, “Naui hoego,” 133, 202–203.

[101] See Yi Horyong, “Yi Hoeyeong,” 209 for a different explanation by a Japanese police report about the journal that it was originally published by a group of other Koreans but was probably used by Yi as the Federation’s publication.

[102] HAUS, 289.

[103] HAUS, 139.

[104] Ibid.

[105] Bak Hwan, “Yi Hoeyeong,” 288.

[106] HAUS, 133, 142, 289.

[107] Dirlik, Anarchism, 87–100 and Dirlik, “Anarchism and the Question of Place,” 142.

[108] Dirlik, Anarchism, 66.

[109] For example, Jeong Hwaam and Yi Hayu were able to establish the Institute for Korean Studies (Chaoxianxue dianguan) in China after Japan’s surrender in August 1945, and, under it, the Shin Chaeho School (Shen Caihao xueshe) with support from Chinese anarchist Li Shizeng, Wu Zhihui, Yang Jialuo, and Zhu Xi. In the same year, Yu Rim, Jeong Hwaam, Heo Yeolchu, and Yu Ja-myeong in collaboration with Chinese anarchist Ba Jin, Zhu Xi, and Bi Xiushao hold a Conference of Korean and Chinese Anarchists (Hanzhong wuzhengfu zhuyizhe dahui) together in Shanghai. See HAUS, 393.

[110] Paula Harrell, Sowing the Seeds of Change: Chinese Students, Japanese Teachers, 1895–1905 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1992), 145 and Wang Shaoqiu, Jindai zhongri wenhua jiaoliushi [A Modern History of Sino-Japanese Cultural Exchanges] (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1992), 348, 365.

[111] Joshua Fogel “The Other Japanese Community: Leftwing Japanese Activities in Wartime Shanghai,” in Wartime Shanghai, ed. Wen-hsin Yeh (New York: Routledge, 1998), 45–46.

[112] Fogel, “The Other Japanese Community,” 46.

[113] Yi Honggeun, “Yeoksa jeok jingun e ui dongcham” [Joining the Historical March Forward], Gungmin munhwa hoebo [The Bulletin of National Culture] 11 (April 1983): 9–10.

[114] Sano might have also used a different Chinese name, Lin Zhaoxiong. See NAUJJ, 304. According to Yu Ja-myeong, Sano used to teach Japanese to Chinese children and youth at an orphanage-like institute in Nanjing, which was organized with an aim to educate those whose parents had been sacrificed during the 1911 Revolution. See YJS, 194–195.

[115] YJS, 209, 291–292.

[116] Olga Lang, Pa Chin and His Writings: Chinese Youth between the Two Revolutions (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1967), 153. Yu Ja-myeong claims, in his memoir, that the story was about him, since he had gray hair relatively early in his life, and thus was nicknamed “a young man with gray hairs,” of which Ba Jin was probably aware. See YJS, 288.

[117] Kim Myeongseop, “Han-il anarchist deul ui sasang gyoryu wa banje yeondae tujaeng” [Interactions in Thought and Anti-Imperialist Struggles in Alliance by Korean and Japanese Anarchists], HMUY 49 (December 2006): 53.

[118] Han Sangdo, Jungguk hyeokmyeong sok ui han-guk dongnip undong [A History of Korean Independence Movement in the History of the Chinese Revolution] (Paju: Jipmundang, 2004), 115.

[119] HHH, 295, 296; YJS, 208, 291–292; NAUJJ, 5, 333; and HAUS, 309. Huaguang Hospital’s Deng was the first person Yamaga Taiji contacted when he arrived in Shanghai with a mission to get a passport for Ōsugi Sakae, who was planning on taking a trip to Europe to attend a conference of anarchists. Also, Ōsugi was able to find and rent a room in the French Concession in Shanghai only with Deng’s help. See CANK, 98.

[120] HAUS, 309.

[121] SOA, 111–121.

[122] Jo Sehyun, “1920 nyeondae jeonban-gi,” 369–370 and Wakabayashi Masahiro, Taiwan kōnichi undōshi kenkyū [A Study of Taiwan’s Anti-Japanese Movement History] (Tokyo: Kenbun shuppan, 1983/2010 rev. and extended ed., 2^nd printing), 259. Wakabayashi mistook Luo Hua for a communist.

[123] See the chronology in UM, 4.

[124] Jiang Kang, “Kuang Husheng yu lida xueyuan” [Kuang Husheng and Lida College], QLXX 3 (1982): 13. I am grateful to Professor Sakai Hirobumi for sharing the issues of this journal with me.

[125] Ming K. Chan and Arif Dirlik, Schools into Fields and Factories: Anarchists, the Guomindang, and the National Labor University in Shanghai, 1927–1932 (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1991), 42, 43.

[126] YJS, 198. For Yu’s impression of Kuang, see Liu Ziming [Yu Ja-myeong], “Kuang Husheng xiansheng yinxiangji” [On My Impression of Mr. Kuang Husheng], QLXX 3 (1982): 10–11.

[127] YJS, 205–208.

[128] CANK, 104.

[129] DYJJ, 150, 154–155, 157.

[130] HHH, 350–351.

[131] Chan and Dirlik, Schools into Fields, 3–4.

[132] Yi Jeonggyu, “Jungguk bokgeonseong nongmin jawi undong gwa han-guk dongjideul ui hwalyak” [The Self-Defensive Movement of the Peasants in China’s Fujian Province and the Activities of Korean Comrades], in UM, 128–130, 132.

[133] Chan and Dirlik, Schools into Fields, 4.

[134] Yi Jeonggyu, “Jungguk bokgeonseong,” 30–137.

[135] HHH, 295.

[136] Yi Jeonggyu, “Jungguk bokgeonseong,” 130.

[137] For Ishikawa’s activities at Laoda, see Ishikawa Sanshirō, Jijōden—ichijiyūjin no tabi [An Autobiography: The Travel of a Free Person] vol. 2 (Tokyo: Rironsha, 1956), 124–128.

[138] CANK, 100–102 and HYGG, 42–43. For Yamaga’s activities in China, see Sakai Hirobumi, “Yamaga Taiji to Chūgoku—‘Tasogare nikki’ ni miru nitchū anakisuto no kōryū” [Yamaga Taiji and China: The Interactions between Japanese and Chinese Anarchists that Are Described in A Diary at the Dusk], Mao to win: gindai chūgoku no shisō to bungaku [Cat Head Hawk: Thoughts and Literature of Modern China] 2 (December 1983): 30–49 and Mukai Kō, Yamaga Taiji, hito to sono shōkai [Yamaga Taiji: The Person and His Life] (Tokyo: Aokahō, 1974), esp. 36–49, 70–90.

[139] Yi Jeonggyu, “Jungguk bokgeonseong,” 128.

[140] HAUS, 298.

[141] Various sources present a different date of its establishment. HAUS states its founding date differently as May or July 14, 1928 (HAUS, 131, 308), while JRS 32 (February 1, 1929) as June 14, 1928. Yi Horyong notes that the meeting was held in Shanghai on June14, 1929. See HASP, 200.

[142] See “Taiheiyō engan no rōdōsha ni yoru tōhō museifu shugisha renmei” [The Eastern Anarchist League by the Workers on the Rims of the Pacific], Jiyū rengō [Spontaneous Alliance] 32 (February 1, 1929): 3.

[143] According to HAUS, Shin might have attended a different meeting of the Eastern anarchists, possibly held in Tianjin. See HAUS, 308.

[144] “Taiheiyō engan,” 3.

[145] NAUJJ, 773.

[146] HAUS, 131.

[147] HHH, 278–281; HAUS, 312–319; and Shakai mondai shiryo kenkyūkai ed., Shakai mondai shiryo sōsho [Collected Materials on Social Problems], vol. 1 (Tokyo: Tōyō bunkasha, 1977), 26.

[148] HHH, 275.

[149] HS 23 (November 31, 1933): 2.

[150] For an English translation of it, see “What We Advocate,” Talhwan [The Conquest] 1 (June 1, 1928), in Anarchism: A Documentary History of Libertarian Ideas: From Anarchy to Anarchism (300 CE to 1939), vol. 1, ed. Robert Graham (Montreal: Black Rose Books, 2005), 381–383.

[151] See Talhwan 1 (June 1, 1928), 2–8. Nos. 1 and 2 of it were reprinted by Gungmin munhwa yeon-guso gojeon ganhaeng hoe (Publication Committee of the Institute for the Study of National Culture) in Seoul in 1984.

[152] “Hyeokmyeong wolli wa talhwan” [The Principles of Revolution and Retaking], Talhwan [The Conquest] supplementary to no. 1 (June 15, 1928): 3–4.

[153] Ugwan [Yi Jeonggyu], “Talhwan ui je ilseong” [The First Voice of The Conquest), Talhwan supplementary to no. 1 (June 15, 1928): 2.

[154] HAUY, 158–161.

[155] Pasarov (?), “Mujeongbu juui ja ga bon han-guk dongnip undong” [Korean Independence Movement in the eyes of an Anarchist], Talhwan [The Conquest] supplementary to no. 1 (June 15, 1928): 5–7. I have not been able to identify who this possibly Russian anarchist was.

[156] HASP, 158–159 and Jo Sehyun, “1920 nyeondae jeonban-gi,” 358–359.

[157] Jo Sehyun, “1920 nyeondae jeonban-gi,” 370.

[158] Kim and Kim, Han-guk gongsan juui, 124.

[159] Dirlik, Anarchism, 270–271.

[160] DYRJ, 75.

[161] Yi Jeonggyu, “Jungguk bokgeonseong,” 128.

[162] Qin Wangshan, “Annaqi zhuyi zhe zai fujian de yixie huodong” [Various Activities of Anarchists in Fujian], Fujian wenshi ziliao [Literary and Historical Materials of Fujian] 24 (1990): 181 and Qin Wangshan, “Chaoxian he riben annaqi zhuyi zhe zai quan binan yinqi de shijian” [An Incident Caused by Korean and Japanese Anarchists Who Took Refuge in Quanzhou], Fujian wenshi ziliao [Literary and Historical Materials of Fujian] 24 (1990): 203.

[163] Jiang Kang, “Quanzhou mujeongbu juui e daehan chobojeok yeon-gu” [A Preliminary Examination of the Anarchist Movement in Quanzhou], in Han-guk minjok undong sa yeon-guhoe ed., Han-guk dongnip undong gwa jungguk—1930 nyeondae reul jungsim euro [Korean Independence Movement and China: The 1930s] (Seoul: Gukak jaryowon, 1997), 312.

[164] Yi Jeonggyu, “Jungguk bokgeonseong,” 134.

[165] Yi Jeonggyu, “Jungguk bokgeonseong,” 133–135.

[166] CANK, 106.

[167] Dirlik, Anarchism, 95.

[168] HHH, 279.

[169] Ibid.

[170] Yi Jeonggyu, “Jungguk bokgeonseong,” 133–136.

[171] Yi Jeonggyu, “Jungguk bokgeonseong,” 146–148.

[172] In addition, the GMD seemed to utilize the Quanzhou Movement as an opportunity to strengthen its influence in the area, with which anarchists were in conflict. See Yi Jeonggyu, “Jungguk bokgeonseong,” 140.

[173] Qin Wangshan, “Chaoxian he riben,” 203.

[174] Jiang Kang, “Quanzhou mujeongbu,” 317–318.

[175] Liu Xu [Yu Seo], “Zhuzhang zuzhi dongya wuzhengfu zhuyizhe datongmeng (jielu)” [Proposing to Organize the Greater Alliance of East Asian Anarchists (excerpts)], Minzhong [People’s Tocsin] 16 (December 15, 1926), in WZSX, 716–720.

[176] Ibid.

[177] YJS, 199.

[178] Xie Zhen, “Shenqie huainian Liu Ziming xiansheng” [Deeply Cherishing the Memory of Mr. Yu Ja-myeong], in HNJ 1 (?), ed. Jiang Kang (Quanzhou: Quanzhou pingmin zhongxue, minsheng nongjiao jioayouhui, 1986), 57; Shen Keqiu [Sim Yongcheol], “Huainian Liu Xu xiansheng” [Chering the Memory of Mr. Yu Seo], HNJ 2 (July 1987): 55; Yu Fuzuo, “Ji pingmin zhongxue” [Remembering Common People’s Middle School], HNJ 4 (October 1988): 42–44; and YJS, 200.

[179] See the sections on selected letters in QLXX 1 (1982): 16 and in Minyou xinxi [News on the Alumni of People’s Livelihood Agricultural School] 7 (March 1990): 12.

[180] Jiang Kang, “Quanzhou mujeongbu,” 324–325; YJS, 198–201; and NAUJJ, 336. Yu Fuzuo recalls that he met a Japanese teacher at Common People’s Middle School, who he remembers used Chinese name, Wu Siming. This Japanese was probably Yatabe who used to use his Chinese name, Wu Shimin, but Yu probably remembered or pronounced by mistake as Wu Siming. Yu Fuzuo, “Ji pingmin zhongxue,” 42.

[181] See Gu Yeping, “Quanzhou minzhong yundong zhongde liming gazhong yu pingmin zhongxue“ [Dawn Advanced Middle School and Common People’s Middle School in the Mass Movement in Quanzhou], Quanzhou shifan xueyuan xuebao [Journal of Quanzhou Normal University , Social Science] 24–5 (September 2006): 32–48. For the “Fujian Incident,” see Lloyd E. Eastman, The Abortive Revolution: China under Nationalist Rule, 1927–1937 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1974), 85–139.

[182] Ki-baik Lee, A New History of Korea, trans. Edward W. Wagner with Edward J. Shultz (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1984), 365.

[183] SSAU, 238.

[184] Yi Eulgyu, Siya Kim Jongjin seonsaeng jeon [A Biography of Mr. Kim Jongjin] (Seoul: Eulyu munhwasa, 1963).

[185] HAUS, 323–324.

[186] SSAU, 241–243.

[187] HAUS, 325–328 and SSAU, 246–262.

[188] HAUS, 326–327.

[189] HAUS, 325.

[190] Bruce Cumings, Korea’s Place in the Sun (New York: W. W. Norton & Company, 1^st ed., 1997), 121.

[191] Mikiso Hane, “Introduction,” in The Prison Memoirs of a Japanese Woman, Kaneko Fumiko. trans. Jean Inglis (New York: M. E. Sharpe, 1991), xiii. This book is an English translation of Kaneko Fumiko, Nani ga watashi o kō sasetaka [What Has Made Me Run Like This?] (Tokyo: Kokushoku senzensha, 1971).

[192] Robert A. Scalapino, The Japanese Communist Movement, 1920–1966 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1967), 11.

[193] Chen Jian and Liang Weilin, “Huiyi 30 niandai zhonggong dongjingzhibu de chengzhang licheng” [Recollection of the Developing Process of the Chinese Communist Party’s Tokyo Branch in the 1930s], Zhonggong dangshi ziliao [Materials on the History of the Chinese Communist Party] 10 (Internal publication) (October 1984): 169.

[194] An early example of it can be found in the Asian Solidarity Society (Yazhou heqinhui), formed in Tokyo in 1907 by like-minded Asian radicals from Japan, China, Vietnam, India, and so on under the banner of anti-imperialism. See Rebecca E. Karl, “Creating Asia: China in the World at the Beginning of the Twentieth Century,” American Historical Review 103–4 (October 1998): 1096–1118.

[195] Selçuk Esenbel, “Japan’s Global Claim to Asia and the World of Islam: Transnational Nationalism and World Power, 1900–1945,” American Historical Review 109–4 (October 2004): 1148.

[196] The case of Discussion on Asia (Ajia Kōron), a journal published by Yu Te-gyeong in 1917 in Tokyo, demonstrates a perceived racial unity without a Japanese expansionist version of Asianism and an early joint effort by Korean and Taiwanese radicals in Tokyo. Besides Korean and Taiwanese radicals, Chinese and Japanese, including Abe Isō at Waseda University, also contributed their writings to the journal, because of which it was particularly utilized by the Taiwanese to inform the Japanese of the colonial situation and discriminatory policies by the Japanese colonial government in Taiwan. See Chi Hsu-feng, “Zasshi Ajia Kōron ni miru taishōki higashi ajia chishikijin renkei—zaikyō taiwanjin to chōsenjin no kōryū o chūshin ni” [The Alliance of East Asian Intellectuals during the Taishō Period, seen in the Ajia kōron Magazine], Asia munhwa yeon-gu [Asian Cultural Studies] 17 (November 2009): 67–77.

[197] Ju Taedo, “Hakji gwang ui yeoksajeok samyeong” [A Historical Role of the Light of Learning], Hakji gwang [The Light of Learning] 29 (April, 1930): 52–53.

[198] Quoted in Park Chan Seung, “Sikminji sigi doil yuhaksaeng gwa geundae jisik ui suyong” [Study-Abroad Students in Japan and Their Reception of Modern Knowledge during the Colonial Period], in Jisik byeondong ui sahoe sa [A Social History of Knowledge Transformation], ed. Han-guk sahakhoe (Seoul: Munhak gwa jiseongsa, 2003), 152.

[199] Robert A. Scalapino, “Prelude to Marxism: the Chinese Student Movement in Japan, 1900–1910,” in Approaches to Modern Chinese History, eds. Albert Feuerwerker, Rhodes Murphy and Mary C. Wright (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1967), 192–193 and Wang Shaoqiu, Jindai zhongri wenhua, 344–347.

[200] SOA, 89.

[201] Rekishigaku kenkyūkai ed., Ajia gendaishi 1: teikokushugi no jidai [A Modern History of Asia 1: The Period of Imperialism] (Tokyo: Aoi shōten, 1983), 287.

[202] Kim Myeonggu, “1910 nyeondae doil yuhaksaeng ui sahoe sasang” [Social Thought of the Study-Abroad Students in Japan in the 1910s], Sahak yeon-gu [Historical Studies] 64 (2001): 91–125. The quote is from 125.

[203] For a general discussion of socialism in Japan, see Duus, “Socialism, Liberalism, and Marxism,” 654–710, and for Japanese anarchism before and after the “winter period,” see Crump, Hatta Shūzō, 21–43.

[204] For Chinese students on study abroad in Japan, see Paula Harrell, Sowing the Seeds of Change: Chinese Students, Japanese Teachers, 1895–1905 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1992) and Douglas R. Raynolds, China, 1898–1912: The Xinzheng Revolution and Japan (Cambridge, MA: Council on East Asian Studies, Harvard University, 1993).

[205] For the Chinese Tokyo anarchists, see Dirlik, Anarchism, 100–109 and Zarrow, Anarchism and Chinese, 31–58. For the Chinese Communists, see Hwang, Saeroun yeoksa, 178–208.

[206] HGA, 56.

[207] Park Chan Seung, “Sikminji sigi doil yuhak gwa yuhaksaeng ui minjok undong” [Study Abroad to Japan and the National Movement of the Study-Abroad Students during the Colonial Period], in Asia ui geundaehwa wa daehak ui yeokhal [Modernization in Asia and the Role of University], ed. Hallym daehakgyo Asia munhwa yeon-guso (Chuncheon: Hallym daehakgyo chulpansa, 2000), 162.

[208] Im Kyeongseok, Han-guk sahoe juui ui giwon [The Origins of Socialism in Korea] (Seoul: Yeoksa bipyeongsa, 2003), 32–40.

[209] Yang Sanggi, “Shinsaiki igo no zainichi chōsenjin anakizumu undō no henrin” [A Glimpse of Anarchist Movement by Koreans in Japan after the Kantō Earthquake], Anakizumu [Anarchism] 25 (June 1984): 23–24.

[210] Park Chan Seung, “Sikminji sigi doil,” 177 and Kim Gwang-yeol, “Taishō gi ilbon ui sahoe sasang gwa jaeil hanin” [The Socialist Thoughts during Taishō Japan and Koreans in Japan], Ilbon hakbo [The Korean Journal of Japan Studies] 42 (June 1999): 335–351. There were three groups of Korean students in Japan: (1) who came to Japan because their parents were wealthy; (2) who came with the government’s scholarship or religious organizations’ sponsorship; and (3) work-study students from poor families.

[211] HAUY, 124.

[212] Quoted in Oh Jang-Whan, “1920 nyeondae,” 167.

[213] Chōsen Gang Chang, “Warera no gaihō wa anakizumu da” [Our Liberation Is Anarchism], JRS 47 (May 1, 1930): 4. It is unclear who the author of it was, but it must be Korean.

[214] Hak ji gwang [The Light of Learning], special issue (January 1920: 13–19 and no. 20 (July 1920): 7–15 (reprinted by Doseo chulpan Yeoknak, 2004). Also see HASP, 112.

[215] “Rekishi kyōkasho zainichi korian no rekishi,” sakusei iinkai, ed.,Rekishi kyōkasho zainichi korian no rekishi [History Textbook, A History of Koreans in Japan] (Tokyo: Meishi shōten, 2013) [hereafter RKZK], 23.

[216] Kim Myeongseop, “Hanil anarchist deul,” 44. The year Na converted to anarchism could be 1914. See NAUJJ, 699.

[217] Chujeong Im Bongsun seonsaeng pyeonchan wiwonhoe, Chujeong Im Bongsun seonsaeng sojeon [A Short Biography of Mr. Im Bongsun] (Seoul: Chujeong Im Bongsun seonsaeng sojeon pyeonchan wiwonhoe, 1969), 30.

[218] Gwon Daebok ed., Jinbodang: Dang ui hwaldong gwa sageon gwan-gye jaryojip [The Progressive Party: Materials on the Party’s Activities and Incidents] (Seoul: Jiyangsa, 1985), 358–359.

[219] Ibid.

[220] Yi Gyeongmin, “Jo Bong-am no shisō to kōdō” [Thoughts and Actions of Jo Bong-am], CMUK 1 (April 1991): 93–94.

[221] For a detailed study of Choe’s life and anarchist activities, see SSAU, 265–340.

[222] SSAU, 290.

[223] NAUJJ, 706.

[224] Yi Honggeun, “Yeoksa jeok jin-gun,” 9.

[225] HS 23 (November 31, 1933): 2 and Gungmin munhwa yeon-guso ed., Hang-il hyeokmyeongga gupa Baek Jeonggi [Baek Jeonggi: A Man of Righteous Deed and Revolutionary who Resisted Japan] (Seoul: Gungmin munhwa yeon-guso chulpanbu, 2004), 182.

[226] For more on Dongheung Korean Labor League, see Horiuchi Minoru, “Zainichi chōsenjin anakizumu rōdō undō (gaihō zen)” [Anarchist Labor Movement of Koreans in Japan, prior to Liberation], Zainichi chōsenjinshi kenkyū [Studies on the History of Koreans in Japan] 16 (October 1986): 38–58.

[227] HAUS, 378, 380.

[228] Thomas A. Stanley, Ōsugi Sakae, Anarchist in Taisho Japan: The Creativity of the Ego (Cambridge, MA: Council on East Asian Studies, Harvard University, 1982), ix.

[229] Kim Myeongseop, “Hanil anarchist deul,” 46.

[230] Kim Sam-ung, Bak Yeol pyeongjeon, 55.

[231] Choe Gapryong, Eoneu hyeokmyeongga ui ilsaeng, ujin Choe Gapryong jaseojeon (A Revolutionary’s Life: Memoirs of Ujin Choe Gapryong) (Seoul: Imun chulpnasa, 1995) [hereafter EHGI], 19–20, 22–23, 157–158.

[232] Bak Giseong, Nawa joguk: hoego rok [I and My Country: A Memoir] (Seoul: Sion, 1984): 50, 63.

[233] Bak, Nawa Joguk, 55.

[234] Chujeong Im Bongsun seonsaeng pyeonchan wiwonhoe, Chujeong Im Bongsun, 30.

[235] The Japanese police usually listed many Koreans in Japan, colonial Korea and China, as “persons of most interest under surveillance.”

[236] For a list of its members as of 1922, see Kim Myeongseop, “1920 nyeondae chogi jaeil joseonin ui sasang danche” [The Thought Groups of Koreans in Japan in the Early 1920s], Hanil minjok munje yeon-gu [Studies on the Korean-Japanese National Questions], Inaugural Issue (March 2001): 21.

[237] HASP, 126; HAUY, 94; Kim Myeongseop, “Hanil anarchist deul,” 46, and Yi Horyong, “Bak Yeol ui mujeongbu juui sasang gwa dongnip gukka geonseol gusang” [Bak Yeol’s Anarchism and His Vision of an Independent Country], Han-guk hakbo [Journal of Korean Studies] 87 (Summer 1997): 156, 160.

[238] NAUJJ, 574 and Kim Sam-ung, Bak Yeol pyeongjeon, 34.

[239] Stanley, Ōsugi Sakae, 168.

[240] HAUS, 284–285.

[241] Bak Yeol, “Han bullyeong seonin eurobuteo ilbon ui gwollyeokja gyegeup ege jeonhanda” [A Message Delivering to the Class in Power of Japan from a Rebellious Korean], reprinted in Korean translation in Kim Sam-ung, Bak Yeo pyeongjeon, 228.

[242] See Kim Myeongseop, “Bak Yeol, Kaneko Fumiko ui ban cheonhwangje tujaeng gwa anarchism insik” [Bak Yeol and Kaneko Fumiko, and Their Struggle against Emperorship and Understanding of Anarchism], Hanil minjok munje yeon-gu [Studies on the Korean and Japanese National Questions] 4 (June 2006): 126–140; Oh Jang-Whan, “1920 nyeondae,” 183–190; and Yi Horyong, “Bak Yeol,” 153–165.

[243] Yi Horyong, “Bak Yeol,” 156, 160n31.

[244] John Crump, Hatta Shūzō, 82 and Suzuki Yasuyuki, Nihon museifushugi undōshi [A History of Japanese Anarchist Movement] (Tokyo: Kokushoku sensensha, 1932, reprinted 1990), 51–54.

[245] “Sōkanni saishite” [On the Occasion of Launching the Journal], Kokutō [Black Wave] 1 (1923), 1, reprinted in Kaneko, Nani ga watashi, 533.

[246] In her prison memoirs Kaneko expressed her “boundless sympathy” “for all the oppressed, maltreated, exploited Koreans,” which was “the flame that ignited” her antagonism against the authorities and so forth “in the struggle for this wretched class of mine.” Kaneko, Prison Memoirs, 217.

[247] “Sengen” [Declaration], Kokutō [Black Wave]1 (1923): 1, reprinted in Kaneko, Nani ga watashi, 533.

[248] Oh Jang-Whan, “1920 nyeondae,” 160–162, 165.

[249] Yi Gangha, “Warera no sakebi” [Our Outcries], Kokutō [Black Wave] 1 (1923): 1, reprinted in Kaneko, Nani ga watashi, 533. Also see HAUY, 98 and HASP, 131.

[250] Retsusei [Bak Yeol], “Chokusetsu kotō no hyōhon” [An Example of Direct Actions], Kokutō [Black Wave] 1 (1923): 1, reprinted in Kaneko, Nani ga watashi, 533. Also see HAUY, 101.

[251] The journal’s publishers seemed to use hutoi that means “thick,” “fat,” “bold,” or “impudent” as a euphemism for hutei that means “recalcitrant” or “rebellious,” because of the similarity of the two words in pronunciation. They used hutoi senjin as the journal’s official title on the first page of its two issues, but also used hutei in katakana in place of hutoi in its title at the top of every page of the two issues, which was probably the reason for Japanese police to ban it. I translate the Japanese word hutoi as recalcitrant, because of the katakana part (hutei) of the title, while underlining the possible intention of innuendo or insinuation in the use of hutoi as fat or bold for the journal’s name. For the meanings of hutoi in Eanglish translation, see F. J. Daniels, Eibun o kaku tame no jishō [Basic English Writers’ Japanese-English Wordbook] (Tokyo: The Hokuseido Press, 1970, 9^th ed., 1973), 540, and Bunkachō, Gaikokujin no tameno kanji jiten [Dictionary of Chinese Characters for Foreigners] (Tokyo: Daizōshō insatsu kyoku, 1967, 2^nd ed., 1982), 549.

[252] “Hutoi senjin katkan ni saishite” [On Publishing Recalcitrant Koreans], Hutoi senjin [Recalcitrant Koreans]: 1, reprinted in Kaneko, Nani ga watashi, 541.

[253] Bak Yeol, “Ajia monrō shugi ni tsuite” [About Asian Monroe-ism],” Hutoi senjin [Recalcitrant Koreans] 2 (1923): 1, reprinted in Kaneko, Nani ga watashi, 545.

[254] I argued elsewhere that East Asian radicals and anarchists developed a different definition and understanding of Asia, which was “liberating” in its meanings and implications and was not limited to and confined to a geographical construction of Asia. See Hwang, “20 segi cho dong asia,” 121–165.

[255] Kim Myeongseop, “1920 nyeondae,” 25, 28.

[256] John Crump, The Anarchist Movement in Japan (pamphlet), (n.p.: n.d.), 16–17 and Kim Myeongseop, “Hanil anarchist deul,” 50. A contemporary Japanese anarchist, Suzuki Yasuyuki (1903–1970), called Kokuren’s anarchism “militant (sentōteki) anarchism.” Suzuki, Nihon museifu shugi, 43–46.

[257] Quoted in Oh Jang-Whan, “1920 nyeondae,” 169.

[258] Kim Myeongseop, “1920 nyeondae,” 118–122,

[259] Yi Honggeun’s recollection. Quoted in HAUY, 100.

[260] Quoted in HAUY, 110–111.

[261] Yuck Honggeun, “Iwayuru dasū no shōtai” [The Identity of the so-called Majority], Gen shakai [Contemporary Society] 4. Quoted in Oh Jang-Whan, “1920 nyeondae,” 177–179.

[262] Komatsu Ryuji, Nihon anakizumu undōshi [A History of Japanese Anarchist Movement] (Tokyo: Aoki shōten, 1972) [hereafter NAUS], 196–226.

[263] Kim Sam-ung, Bak Yeol pyeongjeon, 89, 102.

[264] NAUS , 113–139 and HAUY, 110.

[265] NAUJJ, 194.

[266] HAUY, 114–115.

[267] Quoted in HAUY, 105. “Hatta Shūzō gun yuku” [Mr. Hatta Shūzō Passes Away], JRS 89 (February 10, 1934): 3.

[268] NAUJJ, 775, 777.

[269] Yi Honggeun, “Yeoksa jeok jin-gun,” 12 and NAUS, 198.

[270] Andrew Gordon, The Evolution of Labor Relations in Japan: Heavy Industry, 1853–1955 (Cambridge, MA: Council on East Asian Studies, Harvard University, 1985), 421.

[271] Oh Jang-Whan, “1920 nyeondae,” 173.

[272] RKZK, 11, 14, 33–34.

[273] HASP, 114–116.

[274] Jeong Hyegyeong, Ilje sidae jaeil joseonin minjok undong yeon-gu [A Study on the National Movements by Koreans in Japan during the Japanese Colonial Period] (Seoul: Gukak jaryowon, 2001) [hereafter ISJMU], chapter 1.

[275] RKZK, 33.

[276] ISJMU, 269–270.

[277] ISJMU, 274.

[278] Quoted in HAB, 167.

[279] NAUJJ, 247; Oh Jang-Whan, “1920 nyeondae,” 173–174n47; and ISJMU, 272, 279.

[280] NAUJJ, 278; HAUS, 284; and Kim Taeyeop, Tujaeng gwa jeung-eon [Struggle and Testimony] (Seoul: Pulbit, 1981) [hereafter TGJ], 83–84.

[281] NAUJJ, 218–219.

[282] TGJ, 45–47.

[283] TGJ, 53.

[284] See TGJ, 77–100 for the description of his labor union-related activity as “The Beginning of Struggle.”

[285] TGJ, 84.

[286] TGJ, 85–86, 93.

[287] TGJ, 78, 84–85.

[288] Bak Yeol, “Kyōsha no sengen” [The Declaration of the Strong], Chigasei [The Voice of Self] Inaugural Issue (March 20, 1926:) 1, reprinted in Zainichi chōsenjin undō kankei kikanshi (Kahozen) [Publications Associated with the Movements of Koreans in Japan (Pre-Liberation)], Chōsen mondai shiryo sōsho [Series on the Materials on Korean Problems] vol. 5, ed. Bak Kyeongsik (Tokyo: Ajia mondai kenkyūjo, 1983) [hereafter CMSS], 201.

[289] [Yi] Chunsik, “Sengen” [Declaration], Chigasei [Voice of Self] Inaugural Issue (March 20, 1926): 1, reprinted in CMSS, 201.

[290] . Toppa [Kim Taeyeop], “Chōsen no undō” [The Movement in Korea], Chigasei Inaugural issue (March 20, 1926): 2, 4, reprinted in CMSS, 202, 204.

[291] Sikchun [Yi Chunsik], “Seizon o kakuritsu seyo!” [Let’s Establish the Existence!], Chigasei May Issue (April 20, 1926): 1, reprinted in CMSS, 205.

[292] Toppa, “Chōsen no undō,” 2.

[293] EHGI, 110.

[294] Sikchun, “Seizon o kakuritsuseyo!,” 1. Because of the Japanese censorship, there were many deletions in the writing, which prevents the author from fully translating what Yi wrote.

[295] Bak Yeongseon, “Jiyū!” [Freedom!], Chigasei Inaugural issue (March 20, 1926): 1, reprinted in CMSS, 210.

[296] Toppa [Kim Taeyeop], “Gūzō yori ningen e” [From Idol to Humanity], Chigasei May issue (April 20, 1926): 1–2, reprinted in CMSS, 205–206.

[297] ISJMU, 273, 277–278.

[298] ISJMU, 276n450.

[299] HAUS, 283, 285.

[300] ISJMU, 280–281.

[301] Ibid.

[302] See chapter 3 of TGJ.

[303] TGJ, 151–153.

[304] TGJ, 84.

[305] Kim Sanghyeon, Jaeil han-guk in: gyopo 80nyeonsa [Korean in Japan: An Eighty-Year History of the Compatriots] (Seoul: Eo-mun gak, 1969), 28, 36–39.

[306] HAUY, 124.

[307] SOA, 139.

[308] Iwasa’s house was once raided by Japanese police when he was teaching Esperanto to Korean students. See Oh Jang-Whan, “1920 nyeondae,” 158n8.

[309] Crump, Hatta Shūzō, 82.

[310] See, for example, Kim Myeongseop, “Jaeil joseonin anarchist deul ui nodong undong” [The Labor Movement of Korean Anarchists in Japan], Han-guk dongnip undongsa yeon-gu [Studies on the History of Korean Independence Movement] 21 (2003): 187–214.

[311] Yang Sanggi, “Shinsaiki igo,” 25. For the conflicts between Japanese pure anarchists and anarcho-syndicalists, see Crump, Hatta Shūzō.

[312] HASP, 233–246.

[313] After reading of the biographies of Korean anarchists who were arrested by Japanese police, I am convinced that it was impossible for them to be released alive from their Japanese prison, unless they either were sick enough to die soon due to malnutrition and/or torture or gave up their anarchist faith.

[314] Michael Edson Robinson, Cultural Nationalism in Colonial Korea, 1920–1925 (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1988), 6.

[315] Sun Zhongshan, “Jianguo fanglue” [A General Plan for Nation-Building], Sun Zhongshan xuanji [Selected Works of Sun Zhongshan] (Hong Kong: Zhonghua shuju xianggang fenju, 1956), 175.

[316] HAUS, 216–217.

[317] Horiuchi Minoru, “Nitteika chōsen hokubu chihōni okeru anakizumu undō” [Anarchist Movements in the Northern Part of Korea during the Japanese Colonial Period], CMUK 5 (December 1988): 81.

[318] Ibid.

[319] Horiuchi, “Nitteika chōsen,” 61.

[320] YJS, 59–60.

[321] YJS, 71. For a short description of “the Morito Incident,” see the entry to Morito in NAUJJ, 649.

[322] HHH, 40–41, 46, 49.

[323] HHH, 40–41.

[324] Quoted in Yi Gyeongmin, “Jo Bong-am no shisō,” 94.

[325] Quoted in HASP, 166.

[326] HAUS, 217–219.

[327] Lee Chong-Ha, “Esperanto, Anarchism,” in Esperanto wa na [Esperanto and Me] vol. 1, ed. Han-guk Esperanto hyeophoe pyeonjipbu (Seoul: Han-guk Esperanto hyeophoe, 2011), 202–203.

[328] HAUS, 296–297; “Fangwen Fan Tianjun xiansheng de jilu” [Records of a Visit to Mr. Fang Tianjun], in WZSX, 1043, 1066, and NAUJJ, 712, 772.

[329] Shin Chaeho, “Nanggaek ui sinnyeon manpil” [A Miscellaneous Writing of a Man of Nonsense and Emptiness on the Occasion of a New Year],” in Shin Chaeho, ed. An Byeongjik (Seoul: Han-gilsa, 1979), 180.

[330] Horiuchi, “Nitteika chōsen,” 61 and Yi Horyong, “Ilje gangjeom gi gungnae anarchist deul ui gongsan juui e daehan bipanjeok hwaldong” [The Activities of Criticisms against Communists by Anarchists in Korea during the Japanese Occupation Period], YWH 59 (March 2006): 257–287.

[331] Song Seha, “Chōsenjin ni yoru anakizumu,” 14. Song (1907–1973) was a member of Tokō Labor Alliance in Tokyo. This article was carried in the journal as part of its special issue on “Korean Anarchist Movement,” published by the Center for the Study of Japanese Anarchism.

[332] HAB, 169.

[333] HAB, 161–185.

[334] HAB, 187–188.

[335] Horiuchi, “Nitteika chōsen,” 63. Also quoted in Kim Myeongseop, “1920 nyeondae,” 24.

[336] Chigasei [The Voice of Self] Inaugural issue (March 20, 1926): 4.

[337] Horiuchi, “Nitteika chōsen,” 63 and HAB, 188–189.

[338] Quoted in HAB, 188–189.

[339] NAUJJ, 512.

[340] HAUS, 223–224 and NAUJJ, 217–218.

[341] Quoted in Horiuchi, “Nitteika chōsen,” 63.

[342] Quoted in HAB, 189.

[343] HAUS, 219–230.

[344] Kim Hyeong-yun, Masan yahwa [Anecdotes on Masan] (Busan: Taehwa chulpansa, 1973), 231–233; Mizuno Naoki, “Bengonin Fuze Tatsuji to chōsen” [Lawyer Fuze Tatsuji and Korea], Kikan sanjenri [Quarterly Three Thousand Ri] 34 (Summer 1983): 28–36.

[345] HAUS, 232–234.

[346] HAUS, 234–235.

[347] This is an assessment made by Korean anarchists who compiled HAUS. See HAUS, 237–238.

[348] HAUS, 196–197 and HAB, 189–192.

[349] HAB, 194.

[350] For Yi’s anarchist literary theory, see Kim Taekho, “Anarchist Yi Hyang ui munhak ron yeon-gu” [A Study on the Literary Theory of Anarchist Yi Hyang], Hanjung inmunhak yeon-gu [Studies on Humanities in Korea and China] 26 (2009): 99–120.

[351] HAUS, 247–248.

[352] Kim Taekho, “Anarchist Yi Hyang,” 112–117.

[353] HAUS, 245–246.

[354] Quoted in Yi Horyong, “Ilje gangjeom gi gungnae,” 277 and HAB, 199.

[355] Quoted in SSAU, 300.

[356] HAUS, 256–257.

[357] HAB, 197.

[358] HAUS, 257, 265; Horiuchi, “Nitteika chōsen,” 64–65, 90; SSAU, 307, 298–315.

[359] Horiuchi, “Nitteika chōsen,” 90 and HAB, 197.

[360] HAUS, 257 and Horiuchi, “Nitteika chōsen,” 64–65.

[361] HAUS, 253–254.

[362] HAUS, 258–259 and Horiuchi, “Nitteika chōsen,” 72. The Japanese anarchist newspaper JRS carried news on this convention, the formation of the Korean Anarcho-Communist Alliance, the arrest of Yi Honggeun and Choe Gapryong later in JRS 79 (April 10, 1932): 3.

[363] HAB, 199.

[364] HAB, 201 and DYRJ, 40.

[365] For a critique of national movement by one of the KAF’s founding members around the same time as the KAF was established, see Yi Honggeun, “Kaihō undō to minzoku undō” [Liberation Movement and National Movement], JRS 40 (October 1, 1929): 4.

[366] See HAUS, 260–266 and SSAU, 326.

[367] EHGI, 29–30. Also quoted in Yi Horyong, “Ilje gangjeom gi gungnae,” 274–275, 283.

[368] HAUS, 196–198.

[369] HAUS, 339–429.

[370] This is Kim Seongsuk’s description. See HHH, 51.

[371] HAB, 202.

[372] Horiuchi, “Nitteika chōsen,” 62.

[373] Evidence of the existence of this kind of a network can be best found in the journals and newspapers published by Korea anarchists themselves, in which various information and news about the activities of their comrades in other places in the region were detailed. See the articles and news carried here and there in the Korean anarchist journals and newspapers I listed in the bibliography.

[374] Personal communication with Mr. Kim Young-Chun on March 31, 2014, and on June 17, 2015. Mr. Kim, one of the third-generation Korean anarchists, told me some renowned Korean anarchists had converted and joined, probably under coercion and pressure, the Concordia Association (Kyōwa kai) in the late 1930s and early ’40s in support of Japanese pan-Asian ideas and colonial rule of Korea, which, according to him, was the very reason why some Korean anarchists were quite passive in “cleaning out” pro-Japanese Korean collaborators immediately after 1945. Their conversion was probably a product of many factors under the Japanese colonial rule, including political coercion and economic hardships, which, therefore, I think, deserves scholarly attention rather than political and moral attack.

[375] Horiuchi, “Nitteika chōsen,” 61.

[376] Horiuchi, “Nitteika chōsen,” 70.

[377] Crump, Hatta Shūzō, 28–29.

[378] The decline of anarchism in China after the 1920s is even described as “the bankruptcy of anarchism” (wuzhengfu zhuyi de pochan). Xu Shanguang and Liu Jianping, Zhongguo wuzhengfu zhuyi shi [A History of Anarchism in China] (n.p.: Hubei renmin chubanshe, 1989), 257–295. Similarly, anarchism in Japan in the 1930s is depicted as “the end of anarchism” (anakizumu no shuen). See NAUS, 238–245.

[379] SOA, 310, 312.

[380] JHH, 126, and HAUS, 339–429.

[381] NAUJJ, 771, 775, 776.

[382] NAUJJ, 781, 792. Jiyū rengōshugi can be also translated into “Libertarian Federalism,” given that the Japanese anarchist newspaper Jiyū rengō (Free Alliance) was formally called Libera Federacio.

[383] NAUS, 217.

[384] HAUY, 202 and HAUS, 423.

[385] HAUY, 202 and NAUS, 218.

[386] Crump, Hatta Shūzō, 178.

[387] HAUS, 401.

[388] Horiuchi, “Zainichi chōsenjin anakizumu,” 52. According to NAUJJ, its first issue came out on July 22. See NAUJJ, 782.

[389] See its 49^th issue (July 1, 1930) that reported on its first page the inauguration of the new Korean anarchist newspaper, and see also many others issues of it for the advertisement on Black Newspaper.

[390] HAUS, 401.

[391] Horiuchi, “Zainichi chōsenjin anakizumu,” 52.

[392] See, for example, “Kokushin no dōshi hippararu” [The Comrades from Black Newspaper were Detained], JRS 91 (June 5, 1934): 3.

[393] HAUS, 401.

[394] HAUS, 404.

[395] “Heuksaek undong e jeokgeuk jeok hyeopryeok eul yomang handa” [We Expect Active Support for the Black Movement], HS 35 (February 1, 1935): 1.

[396] “Fuatsho ka kanken chōsen kyōdai e banko” [The Fascist Authorities Committed an Act of Brutality to Korean Brothers], JRS 82 (July 10, 1933): 3.

[397] “Aikoku undō o sute mattaki gaihō undō e” [Discarding Patriotic Movement and Moving toward the Completion of Liberation Movement], Jiyū rengō [Spontaneous Alliance] 39 (September 1, 1929): 1.

[398] Yi Honggeun, “Gaihō undō to minzoku undō,” 4.

[399] “Minjok undong ui oryu” [Fallacies in the National Movement], HS 26 (February 28, 1934): 2.

[400] “Aeguk undong ui jeongche” [The True Identity of Patriotic Movement], HS 34 (December 28, 1934), 2.

[401] Ibid.

[402] Ibid.

[403] Gwang, “Jayu pyeongdeung ui sinsahoe reul geonseol haja” [Let’s Construct a New Society of Freedom and Equality], Haebang undong [Liberation Movement] Renewed Issue (May 1929). Quoted in Kim Myeongseop, “Jaeil hanin anarchism undong yeon-gu,” 140.

[404] “Mujeongbu undong ui hyeonsil seong eul gangjo ham” [To Emphasize the Practical-ness of Anarchist Movement], HS 31 (August 29, 1934): 2.

[405] Geumwol, “Inganjeok yokgu wa jidowolli ui bulpilyo” [Human Desires and No Need for a Leading Principle], HS 33 (October 24, 1934): 2.

[406] Ibid.

[407] See HS 27 (April 18, 1934): 2.

[408] HHH, 272–273.

[409] HAUY, 200.

[410] See HAUS, 343–348.

[411] See HS 27 (April 17, 1934): 2.

[412] NAUJJ, 139.

[413] Gungmin munhwa yeon-guso ed., Hang-il hyeokmyeongga gupa Baek Jeonggi uisa, 180–183.

[414] NAUJJ, 705. For more on Yi’s activities, see Yi Ganghun, Yi Ganghun yeoksa jeung-eon rok [Historical Records of Yi Ganghun’s Testimony] (Seoul: Inmul yeon-guso, 1994).

[415] “Go!” [Notice!], HS 30 (July 31, 1934): 2.

[416] Crump, Anarchist Movement, 24–25.

[417] Song Seha, “Chōsenjin ni yoru anakizumu,” 15.

[418] Kim Gwangju, “Sanghae sijeol hoesang gi” [Recollection of My Days in Shanghai], Part I, Sedae [Generation] 3–11 (December 1965): 266–267, and Kim Gwangju, “Sanghae sijeol hoesang gi” [Recollection of My Days in Shanghai] Part II, Sedae [Generation] 4–1 (January 1966): 351, 357.

[419] Horiuchi Minoru, “Nanka kanjin seinen renmei to kokushoku kyōhudan” [The League of Korean Youth in South China and the Black Terror Party], CMUK 8 (April 1992): 23–24, 29.

[420] As for its establishment date, different sources have suggested different dates such as 1929, April 1930, April 1931, September 1931, or after 1931. See Horiuchi, “Nanka kanjin seinen,” 10–12 and SSAU, 119–121.

[421] For a full list of its members and their pseudo- or pen names, see Yi Horyong, “Ilje gangjeom gi jae jungguk han-guk in anarchist deul ui minjok haebang undong—terror hwaldong eul jungsim euro” [The National Liberation Movement by Korean Anarchists in China during the Japanese Colonial Period: Their Terrorist Activities], HMUY 35 (June 2003): 271; SSAU, 122–124; and Horiuchi, “Nanka kanjin seinen,” 20.

[422] Yi Honggeun, “Yeoksa jeok jin-gun,” 11.

[423] See HHH, 449.

[424] The Alliance’s platform, goals and regulations, and declaration can all be found, in Korean, online at “Namhwa hanin cheongnyeon yeonmaeng” [The League of Korean Youth in South China], Woodang [Yi Hoeyeong] Memorial Hall, accessed February 7, 2006, www.woodang.or.kr. The LKYSC’s platform was also reported in a Japanese anarchist newspaper. See “Nanshi saijū no senjin seinen renmei, senkoku to kōryō hatbyō” [The League of Korean Youth in South China Announced Its Declaration and Platform], JRS 47 (May 1, 1930): 1.

[425] For the Chinese anarchist’s idea, see Chan and Dirlik, Schools into Fields.

[426] “Namhwa hanin cheongnyeon yeonmaeng.”

[427] See Crump, Hatta Shūzō, 63, 137–138, and “Nanshi saijū no senjin,” 1.

[428] “Namhwa hanin cheongnyeon yeonmaeng.”

[429] “Our Words” [Warera no go], NT 1. Quoted in Horiuchi, “Nanka kanjin seinen,” 28. The NT has not survived and thus not available in original text but some parts, albeit abbreviated, are available in Japanese translation in Japanese police report.

[430] Krebs, “Chinese Anarchist Critique,” 217.

[431] One of its young members was Yi Gyuchang, who testifies that the journal was printed at Lida College. See his interview in DYJJ, 155. A list of articles and their authors carried in the journal, composed from the Japanese police report, can be found in SSAU, 147 and some of them are translated in Korean in SSAU, 161–186.

[432] Liu Ziming, “Kuang Husheng xiansheng,” 10.

[433] Ha, “Waseinen no sekinin to sono shimei” [The Responsibilities and Mission of Our Youth], NT 2 (June 1936), which is abbreviated, translated in Japanese, and reprinted in Shakai mondai shiryo sōsho [Collected Materials on Social Problems], vol. 1, ed. Shakai mondai shiryo kenkyūkai (Tokyo: Tōyō bunkasha, 1977) [hereafter SMSS], 68–69. Also quoted in HAUY, 218. It is unclear what language South China Correspondence used in publication.

[434] Quoted in HHH, 145.

[435] Ha, “Waseinen no sekinin,” 68–69.

[436] Em, “Nationalism, Post-Nationalism,” 313.

[437] Quoted in HAUY, 220.

[438] Ibid and SSAU, 133.

[439] SSAU, 131.

[440] HASP, 282–283.

[441] SMSS, 25–27.

[442] For Wang, see n. 48 in chapter 1. I have not been able to locate information on Hua Junshi, who seemed to be Wang’s associate.

[443] The Federation was also called the Black Terror Party (BTP), according to Jeong Hwaam. See JHH, 127 and HS, passim.

[444] HAUS, 339–341. The LSNRJ might have been responsible for the attempted assassination in 1934 of Wang Jingwei, then President of the Administrative Yuan of the National Government of China, according to some Korean anarchists’ recollection. See JHH, 127 and HHH, 320–321.

[445] SSAU, 138. In a Korean anarchist newspaper of the 1930s, the BTP’s ultimate aim was explained to be almost the same as that of the LSNRJ: “the denunciation of all powers of the contemporary society and the establishment of a new society in which all mankind can enjoy freedom and equality in all aspects of life in a new world.” See Horiuchi, “Nanka kanjin seinen,” 21–23. Quote is from 23. Its two main proposed actions stated in its platform were “destruction” and “direct action.” See HS 23 (November 31, 1933): 2. It is not clear, again, whether HS’s editor was confused with the identity of the BTP, or the LSNRJ and the BTP were in fact the same group.

[446] SSAU, 138; Yi Horyong, “Yi Hoeyeong,” 217–218; and HS 23 (November 31, 1933): 2.

[447] Yi Horyong, “Ilje gangjeom gi jae jungguk,” 292.

[448] JHH, 127.

[449] “Chaoxian minzu zhanxian lianmeng chuangli xuanyan” [Declaration of the Establishment of the League for the Korean National Front), CMZ Inaugural issue (April 10, 1938): 15.

[450] As Yi Jeonggyu later states, many Koreans were disappointed with political cleavages and conflicts among independence activists particularly in the Provisional Government of Korea, which in turn came to them as evidence of impurity of politics and thus made them hate and enraged with politics. This disappointment, Yi Jeonggyu posits, explains why the righteous Korean youth were inclined toward anarchism that denounced politics and government. See Yi Jeonggyu, “Han-guk sahoe juui undong ui jeonmang” [A Prospect for Korean Socialist Movement], in UM, 265.

[451] Ziming [Yu Ja-myeong], “Chaoxian minzu zhanxian lianmeng jiecheng jingguo” [On the Process of Establishing the League for the Korean National Front], CMZ Inaugural issue (April 10, 1938): 3.

[452] This too was the case to Japanese anarchists in the 1930s. Crump, Hatta Shūzō, 185–186.

[453] Kashima Setsuko, “Chōsen minzoku sensen renmei ni tsuite” [About the League for the Korean National Front], CMUK 7 (April 1991): 14, 16.

[454] Ziming, “Chaoxian minzu zhanxian,” 3.

[455] Ibid.

[456] HS 26 (February 28, 1934), 1.

[457] Also see Ziming [Yu Ja-myeong], “Zhongguo guomindang dahui de lishi de yiyi” [The Historical Meaning of the Guomindang’s Convention], CMZ 2 (April 25, 1938): 3.

[458] “Chaoxian minzu zhanxian lianmeng,” 14.

[459] Ziming, “Chaoxian minzu zhanxian,” 3; Kashima, “Chōsen minzoku sensen,” 15; and Yi Horyong, “Ryu Ja-myeong ui anarchist hwanldong” [The Anarchist Activities of Yu Ja-myeong], YWH 53 (2004): 241.

[460] See SSAU, 147 and Yi Horyong, “Ilje gangjeom gi jae jungguk,” 282–283.

[461] Ha, “Waseinen no sekininto,” 68–69.

[462] Ibid.

[463] Ibid.

[464] Yang Yeoju was a pseudonym of Oh Myeonjik (1892–1937). See Yi Gyuchang’s testimony in DYJJ, 145 and NAUJJ, 242.

[465] Ju, “Minjok jeonseon ui ga-neung seong” [The Possibility of the National Front], NT 1–10 (November 1936). Quoted in HASP, 310.

[466] “Minjok jeonseon ui gyeolseong eul chokgu handa” [Urging the Formation of the National Front], NT 12 (December 1936). Quoted in HASP, 301.

[467] After 1945 Kim was active in South Korea in promoting the talk and unification between two Koreas. He joined the communist-led united front movement and later went to North Korea in April 1948, as a member of the group to negotiate the unification issue with North Korean leader Kim Il-Sung. Probably out of a fear of being arrested by and threats to his life from the Syngman Rhee regime, he decided to remain in North Korea and assisted Kim in the establishment of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea. He took high offices in North Korea, but later in 1958, disappeared from the political scene as he was allegedly executed along with the “Yan’an faction” in North Korea.

[468] Kim Seongsuk is described by Kim San as Kim Chung-ch’ang who “taught” him “Marxist theory” and “deeply influenced” his life. See SOA, 119. Kim Seongsuk described himself later in the 1960s as a “nationalist (minjokjeok) communist.” See HHH, 65, 100.

[469] Ziming, “Chaoxian minzu zhanxian,” 5.

[470] Yu’s ability in Chinese is well-known to Chinese. Xie Zhen, “Shenqie huainian Liu Ziming xiansheng” [Dearly Cherishing the Memory of Mr. Yu Ja-myeong], HNJ (1986), 57.

[471] Ziming, “Zhongguo guomindang dahui,” 3.

[472] Ziming [Yu Ja-myeong], “Huanying shijie xuelian daibiaotuan” [Welcoming the Representatives of the World Students Union], CMZ 4 (May 25, 1938): 2.

[473] Yi Horyong, “Yi Hoeyeong,” 218.

[474] “Chaoxian minzu zhanxian lianmeng,” 14.

[475] Liu Shi [Yu Ja-myeong], “Weichaoxian geming liliang tongyi er douzheng” [The Unification of Ability and the Struggle for the Korean Revolution], CMZ 4 (May 25, 1938): 4.

[476] “Choaxian minzu zhanxian lianmeng jiben gangling” [Basic Platform of the Korean National Front], CMZ Inaugural issue (April 10, 1938): 16.

[477] “Choaxian minzu zhanxian lianmeng douzeng gangling” [Platform for the Struggle of the Korean National Front], CMZ Inaugural issue (April 10, 1938): 16.

[478] Ziming [Yu Ja-myeong], “Chuangkanci” [Inaugural Editorial], CMZ Inaugural issue (April 10, 1938): 1.

[479] Ibid.

[480] Kashima, “Chōsen minzoku sensen,” 20.

[481] Kashima Setsuko, “Chōsen giyūtai no seiritsu to katsudō” [The Establishment and Activities of the Korean Volunteers Unit], CMUK 4 (November 1987): 52.

[482] HASP, 246.

[483] Crump, Hatta Shūzō, 100.

[484] Yu Rim must have considered collaborating with the Chinese/Korean communists before he decided to join the Korean Provisional Government. According to a Korean source, Yu traveled to Yan’an to meet with the CCP’s leader Mao Zedong between 1938 and 1941. Yu obviously was impressed by the CCP’s revolutionary strategy that emphasized rural villages, but in the end decided to work with the nationalists in Chongqing. See Kim Young-Chun, “Jeonseol ui anarchist, Danju Yu Rim ui bulkkot insaeng” [Legendary Anarchist Yu Rim and His Sparking Life], Sindong-a [New East Asia] 50–8 (August 2007): 569–570.

[485] JHH, 214.

[486] JHH, 177.

[487] Dongming, “Zhuanzhan ebei de yizhi guojiduiwu” [An International Troop Fighting around Northern Hebei], CYD 34 (May 15, 1940): 15. CYD and Chaoxian yiyongdui tongxun [The Korean Volunteers Unit Correspondence] are reprinted in Gukka bohuncheo ed., Hae-oe ui han-guk dongnip undong jaryo [Materials on Korean Independence Movement Abroad], vol. 8 (Jungguk pyeon [China] No. 4) (Seoul, Gukka bohuncheo, 1993).

[488] Ziming, “Zhongguo guomindang dahui,” 1.

[489] Li Da [Yi Dal], “Jiaqiang zhonghan liangminzu de tuanjie—xiang chongqing gejie jinyiyan” [Enhancing the Unity between Chinese and Korean Peoples—A Suggestion to All Circles in Chongqing], CYD 34 (May 15, 1940): 1.

[490] For the passivity of the Nationalist Army during the anti-Japanese resistance war, see Lloyd E. Eastman Seeds of Destruction: Nationalist China in War and Revolution, 1937–1949 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1984) and Ch’i Hsi-sheng. Nationalist China at War: Military Defeats and Political Collapse, 1937–45 (Ann Arbor: The University of Michigan Press, 1982).

[491] See Lee Chong-sik, “Korean Communists and Yenan,” The China Quarterly 9 (January–March 1962): 182–192.

[492] In Yan’an the Korean Independence Alliance in North China (Hwabuk joseon dongnip dongmaeng) was to be finally organized as the first revolutionary organization formed by Koreans inside the CCP-controlled Anti-Japanese Bases in north China. Han Sangdo, “Hwabuk joseon dongnip dongmaeng gwa jungguk gongsandang” [The Korean Independence Alliance in North China and the Chinese Communist Party], Yeoksa hakbo [Journal of Historical Studies] 174 (June 2002): 115.

[493] Kashima, “Chōsen giyūtai,” 47.

[494] Dam, “Seongrip yurae wa guemhu ui gongjak bangchim” [The Backgrounds of Its Establishment and the Plan Afterwards], HQ [Korean Youth] 1–2 (July 15, 1940), reprinted in Korean translation in SSAU, 226. Also see Chu Heonsu ed., Jaryo han-guk dongnip undong [Materials on Korean Independence Movement], vol. 3 (Seoul: Yonsei daehakgyo chulpanbu, 1973) [hereafter JHDU], 113–116. Some issues of HQ are reprinted in JHDU, 113–164.

[495] Luo Yuehuan [Na Wolhwan], “Women de renwu” [Our Tasks], HQ 1–1 (July 15, 1940), reprinted in JHDU, 116–117.

[496] Bak Hwan, “Jung-il jeonjaeng ihu jungguk jiyeok hanin mujeongbu juui gyeyeol ui hyangbae—han-guk cheongnyeon jeonji gongjakdae reul jungsim euro” [The Trends of Korean Anarchists in China after the Outbreak of the Sino-Japanese War: On the Operation Unit of the Korean Youth at Warfront], HMUY 16 (1997), 128–130.

[497] Na Wolhwan, “Urideuleun eoteoke han-guk mujangbudaereul geollip halgesinga?” [How Do We Build Korean Armed Forces?], HQ 1–2. Quoted in SSAU, 203–205.

[498] HAUS, 388.

[499] Margaret (Peggy) B. Denning, “Chinese Communist Mobilization of Japanese POWs in Yan’an, 1939–1945,” in Resisting Japan: Mobilizing for War in Modern China, 1935–1945, ed. David Pong (Norwalk, CT: Eastbridge, 2008), 127–174.

[500] See, for example, Yi Horyong, “Yu Ja-myeong,” 221–253 and Han Sangdo, “Yu Ja-myeong ui anarchism ihae wa hanjung yeondaeron” [Yu Ja-myeong’s Understanding of Anarchism and His Idea of Korean-Chinese Alliance], Dongyang jeongchi sasangsa [History of Political Thoughts in the East] 7–1 (2008): 153.

[501] In 1948 Bak published a book on his plan for a new Korean revolution, in which he emphasized “the nation-building through a thought” (shisō rikkoku) and the role of youth in nation-building. I don’t analyze this book in this study but it certainly deserves scholarly attention. Bak Yeol, Shin chōsen kakumei ron [On a New Korean Revolution] (Tokyo: Chūgai shuppan kabushiki geisha, 1948).

[502] YJS, 363–372.

[503] HGA, 6.

[504] Yi Jeonggyu, “Jaseo,” 12.

[505] Ibid.

[506] HASP.

[507] Ha Girak, Talhwan—baekseong ui jagi haebang uiji [Retaking: The Will of Common People to Liberate Themselves] (Seoul: Hyeongseol chulpansa, 1994) [hereafter THBJ], 219–221.

[508] Kim Young-Chun, “Danju Yu Rim ui anarchism gwa dongnip undong” [Yu Rim’s Anarchism and Independence Movement], unpublished paper, 6. I am grateful to Mr. Kim for sharing this paper with me.

[509] Personal communication with Mr. Kim Young-Chun on March 5 and 31, 2014.

[510] This was what Yu Rim said to a reporter from Chosun Daily (Joseon ilbo) on December 5, 1945. See DYRJ, 75.

[511] DYRJ, 73. 75.

[512] THBJ, 223–226.

[513] THBJ, 228–229.

[514] THBJ, 229–231.

[515] THBJ, 231.

[516] THBJ, 231–232.

[517] DYRJ, 87.

[518] DYRJ, 87.

[519] THBJ, 234.

[520] THBJ, 223–234.

[521] THBJ, 231–232.

[522] DYRJ, 87.

[523] Ibid.

[524] Zarrow, Anarchism, 207–208.

[525] THBJ, 236–237.

[526] THBJ, 235.

[527] THBJ, 236.

[528] Personal communications with Mr. Kim Young-Chun on March 5 and 31, 2014. According to Mr. Kim, Yi Eulgyu’s decision in 1948 to take a relatively high position as a member of the Audit and Inspection Committee (gamchal wiwonhoe) in the Rhee’s administration, had resulted in the party’s decision (possibly led by Yu Rim) to expel him from it, when Yi was one of its core members. This could have resulted in personal antipathy among some leading anarchists, and possibly impared the party’s waning fate, which may have been a reason for the internal division and conflict among anarchists, that still linger in the anarchist camp of today’s South Korea.

[529] Yi Jeonggyu, “Han-guk sahoe juui,” 267–268.

[530] Yi Jeonggyu, “Han-guk sahoe juui,” 268.

[531] Yi Jeonggyu, “Han-guk sahoe juui,” 270.

[532] Yi Jeonggyu, “Han-guk sahoe juui,” 269–270.

[533] Krebs, “Chinese Anarchist Critique,” 217.

[534] Yi Jeonggyu, “Han-guk sahoe juui,” 270–271.

[535] IJEG, 309.

[536] See IJEG, 315 and his later version of it, JHH, 310.

[537] Yi Joenggyu, “Minju sahoe dang ui jojik wolli” [The Organizational Principles of the Democratic Socialist Party], in UM, 226–229.

[538] Yi Joenggyu, “Minju sahoe dang ui noseon” [The Ideological Line of the Democratic Socialist Party), in UM, 231–235.

[539] Yi Joenggyu, “Minju sahoe dang ui noseon,” 236–238.

[540] Yi Joenggyu, “Minju sahoe dang ui noseon,” 238–239.

[541] Yi Joenggyu, “Minju sahoe dang ui noseon,” 240–245.

[542] Yi Joenggyu, “Minju sahoe dang ui noseon,” 246.

[543] Yi Joenggyu, “Minju sahoe dang ui noseon,” 248–249.

[544] Yi Jeonggyu, “Minjok jeok banseong” [National Self-Reflections], in UM, 260.

[545] Yi Joenggyu, “Minju sahoe dang ui noseon,” 250–252.

[546] Yi Joenggyu, “Minju sahoe dang ui noseon,” 245–246.

[547] Yi Jeonggyu, “Han-guk sahoe juui,” 263–264.

[548] I was not able to locate the party’s name from the list of political parties that participated in the fourth general election on March 31, 1958 in South Korea and earned any seat in the National Assembly. The DSP was probably a paper party that was registered but did not gain any seat in election. See “Yeokdae sen-geo jeongbo” [Information on the Results of Previous Elections], Jung-ang seon-geo gwalli wiwonhoe [the Central Election Management Committee (of South Korea)], accessed December 10, 2014, info.nec.go.kr.

[549] HGA, 7.

[550] Even academics and journalists were easily accused of being pro-communist or commies so that any reference to communism or socialism has become a taboo to them since the 1960s. See, for example, Chung Moon Sang, “Munhwa dae hyeokmyeong eul bo-neun han-guk sahoe ui han siseon—Lee Young Hee sarye” [A Perspective on the Chinese Cultural Revolution in South Korea Society: A Case of Lee Young Hee], Yeoksa bipyeong [Critical Review of History] 77 (Winter 2006), 212–241.

[551] There seemed to be a tension and conflict between Yi and Yu, and Yi seemed to be the target of criticism from other anarchists for some reasons. Yi were aware of the criticism and responded to it by saying that there had been “no conversion in [his] thinking” (sasang ui jeonhwan) or “no changes in the degree of [his] thinking and revolutionary vigor.” See Yi Jeonggyu, “Jaseo,” 13.

[552] Oh Jang-Whan, “Yi Jeonggyu ui mujeongbu juui undong” [Yi Jeonggyu’s Anarchist Movement], Sahak yeon-gu [Historical Studies] 49 (1995): 178–179 and Dongyoun Hwang, “Yi Jeonggyu, cho gukkajeok han-guk anarchism ui silhyeon eul wihayeo” [Yi Jeonggyu, towards a Realization of Transnational Korean Anarchism], Yeoksa bipyeong [Critical Review of History] 93 (winter 2010): 198–230.

[553] Yi Jeonggyu, “Joseon nongchon jachi yeonmaeng seoneon gangnyeong haeseol” [An Explanation of the Platform and Declaration of the Federation for Rural Autonomy], in UM, 176.

[554] Yi Jeonggyu, “Joseon nongchon jachi,” 176, 183–185.

[555] THBJ, 197.

[556] THBJ, 194–199.

[557] Yi Jeonggyu, “Jayu geonseolja yeonmaeng seoneon mit gangnyeong” [The Declaration and Platform of the Free Society Builders Federation], in UM, 173.

[558] Yi Jeonggyu, “Jayu geonseolja yeonmaeng,” 174.

[559] Yi Jeonggyu, “Jayu geonseolja yeonmaeng,” 174–175 and JHBU, 265.

[560] Yi Jeonggyu, “Jayu geonseolja yeonmaeng,” 174–175.

[561] JHBU, 266.

[562] Yi Jeonggyu, “Han-guk sahoe juui,” 266.

[563] JHBU, 266.

[564] Yi Jeonggyu, “Han-guk nodongja jachi yeonmaeng hoego” [Recollection of the Federation for Workers Autonomy], in UM, 214.

[565] Yi Jeonggyu, “Joseon nongchon jachi,” 178, 180.

[566] Yi Jeonggyu, “Nongchon buheung gwa yeongse nong munje” [The Revival of Rural Villages and the Problem of Small-Income Farmers], in UM, 368–369.

[567] Yi Jeonggyu, “Joseon nongchon jachi,” 187.

[568] Yi Jeonggyu, “Joseon nongchon jachi,” 183–184.

[569] Yi Jeonggyu, “Joseon nongchon jachi,” 187–188.

[570] Oh Jang-Whan, “Yi Jonggyu,” 209.

[571] Yi Jeonggyu, “Han-guk nodongja jachi,” 215.

[572] Ibid.

[573] Yi Jeonggyu, “Han-guk nodongja jachi,” 217.

[574] Yi Jeonggyu, “Han-guk nodongja jachi,” 215.

[575] Yi Jeonggyu, “Han-guk nodongja jachi,” 216–217.

[576] Yi Jeonggyu, “Han-guk nodongja jachi,” 218.

[577] Ibid.

[578] HGA, 8–9.

[579] HGA, 14.

[580] HGA, 14–15.

[581] Personal communication with Mr. Lee Mun Chang on December 10, 2012. Mr. Lee told me that those who had participated in the revolutionary activities before 1945, such as Yi Jeonggyu, were the second-generation Korean anarchists, most of whom he believed had disappeared after the Korean War, 1950–1953. The third-generation Korean anarchists were, according to him, those who became interested in anarchism as students, mostly college, after the April 19^th Revolution of 1960. According to his definition, such seniors as Shin Chaeho and Yi Hoeyeong belong to the first generation.

[582] HGA, 3, 6–7.

[583] It seems that two different versions of English translation of the Institute’s name have been used. They are National Culture Research Institute and People[’]s Anarchist Culture Research Institute, freely used by individual members of the Institute on various occasions. I basically follow the former, with some changes, the Institute for the Study of National Culture (ISNC), to stick more closely to the original meaning of the name in Korean, but at the same time to indicate and emphasize the shift of focus in its activities since the 1950s to national culture and development.

[584] Yi Jeonggyu, “Hoego wa jeonmang” [Retrospect and Prospect], in UM, 364–365, and Yi Jeonggyu, “Gaehoesa” [Opening Remarks] (October 1960), in UM, 359.

[585] HGA, 7.

[586] Lee Mun Chang, “Jayu gongdongche undong ui eoje wa oneul—‘gungmin munhwa yeon-guso’ 50 nyeonsa reul jungsim euro” [Today and Yesterday of the Free Community Movement—Focused on the Fifty-Year History of ‘The Institute for the Study of National Culture’], in Gungmin munhwa yeon-guso 50nyeonsa—jayu gongdongche undong ui baljachwi [A Fifty-Year History of the Institute for the Study of National Culture: The Footsteps of the Free Community Movement], ed. Gungmin munhwa yeon-guso 50 nyeonsa ganhaeng wiwonhoe. (Seoul: Gungmin munhwa yeon-guso, 1998) [hereafter GMY], 3.

[587] HGA, 6 and Lee Mun Chang, “Jayu gongdongche,” 3.

[588] HGA, 7.

[589] Yi Jeonggyu, “Sadan beop-in gungmin munhwa yeon-guso seollip chwiji seo” [The Mission Statement of the Institute for the Study of National Culture], in UM, 378.

[590] Yi Jeonggyu, “Sadan beop-in gungmin,” 379.

[591] Lee Mun Chang, “Jayu gondongche,” 3.

[592] Lee Mun Chang, “Jayu gondongche,” 7.

[593] Lee Mun Chang, “Jayu gondongche,” 6–7.

[594] In his unpublished manuscript Yi Jeonggyu described anarchism as “social esthetic” (sahoe mihak), seeing it as a form of natural beauty and taste that other kinds of socialism did not possess. Yi underlined the importance of understanding anarchism as “social esthetic,” if anarchists want to pursue a “cultural struggle” (munhwa tujaeng), not “social struggle” (sahoe tujaeng). See Yi Jeonggyu, Sahoe mihak euro seoui mujeongbu juui [Anarchism as Social Esthetic], unpublished manuscript. I am grateful to Mr. Song Heonjo and the Institute for the Study of National Culture for sharing this invaluable material with me.

[595] Yi Jeonggyu, “Jeokgeuk jeok geungjeong jeok in myeon euro jeontong eul gyeseung baljeon sikija—je 11 hoe haksaeng ui nal gi-nyeomsa” [Let’s Inherit and Develop Traditions into Active and Positive Ones—A Congratulatory Address on the Occasion of the 11^th Anniversary of Students Day], in UM, 302.

[596] Yi Jeonggyu, “Daehak gyoyuk gwa geu sa-myeong” [College Education and Its Mission], in UM, 307, and Yi Jeonggyu, “Sungkyunkwan daehakgyo chongjang chwiimsa” [Inaugural Address as Sungkyunkwan University’s President], in UM, 295–296.

[597] Yi Jeonggyu, “Daehak gyoyuk,” 308.

[598] Yi Jeonggyu, “Daehak gyoyuk,” 306.

[599] Yi Jeonggyu, “Nongchon jajuhwa ui munjejeom” [Issues in Making Rural Villages Autonomous] (November 17, 1971), in UM, 382.

[600] Ibid.

[601] Yi Jeonggyu, “Nongchon undong jidoja gandamhoe gyehoek insa malsseum” [A Greeting Address and the Plan for the Preliminary Meeting of the Rural Movement Leaders], TS 1 (October 1971): 3. This is Yi’s opening remarks at a preliminary meeting with rural movement leaders in October 1971.

[602] Yi Jeonggyu, “Nongchon jajuhwa,” 385.

[603] Ibid.

[604] Yi Jeonggyu, “Nongchon undong,” 3–4.

[605] Yi Jeonggyu, “Nongchon buheung,” 367.

[606] Yi Jeonggyu, “Nongchon jajuhwa,” 382–384.

[607] Yi Jeonggyu, “Nongchon buheung,” 368.

[608] Yi Jeonggyu, “Gungmin susan undong chujin e gwanhan gaehwang” [An Outline of the Movement to Receive and Produce], in UM, 374, and Yun Inhoe, “‘Gungmin munhwa yeon-guso’ wa nongchon undong” [The Institute for the Study of National Culture and the Rural Movement], in GMY, 446. Yun was a board member of the ISNC.

[609] HGA, 12.

[610] Son Useong, “Gungmin susan undong ui uiui” [The Meanings of the National Movement to Receive and Produce], Gungmin munhwa hoebo [Bulletin of National Culture] 1 (May 1966), reprinted in GMY, 88.

[611] HGA, 7.

[612] Yi Jeonggyu, “Gungmin susan undong chujin,” 374–375.

[613] Son Useong, “Gungmin susan undong ui uiui,” 89.

[614] “Gungmin susan undong yogang” [The Outline of the National Movement to Receive and Produce], in GMY, 101.

[615] “Susan undong chujin ui jeonmang” [A Prospect for the National Movement to Receive and Produce] (July 1968),” in GMY, 109.

[616] “Susan undong chujin ui jeonmang,” 110.

[617] “Burak danwi cheongso-nyeon gyoyuk gyehoek” [A Plan to Educate the Youth in Villages] and “Haksaeng hwaldong jido” [Guiding Students’ Activities], in GMY, 123, 136–160.

[618] Yi Jeonggyu, “Gungmin susan undong chujin,” 376.

[619] This is what Yi stated in his invitation letter to various leading figures in South Korean government and society. Yi Jeonggyu, “Chocheong ui malsseum” [Inviting Words] (July 2, 1968), in GMY, 110.

[620] Yi Jeonggyu, “Gungmin susan undong chujin,” 376.

[621] Crump, Hatta Shūzō, 63.

[622] Crump, Hatta Shūzō, 122.

[623] Crump, Hatta Shūzō, 92 and passim.

[624] See GMY, 161–180.

[625] There is no mention of how the movement ended in the volume (GMY) compiled and edited by the ISNC.

[626] Personal communication with Mr. Song Heonjo on December 11, 2011. Mr. Song was one of Yi Jeonggyu’s students.

[627] The outcome of the preliminary meeting was carried in TS 2 (1973): 4.

[628] Yi Jeonggyu, “Insa ui malsseum” [Welcoming Words] (March 1972), TS 2 (1973): 1, 7.

[629] Personal communication with Mr. Lee Mun Chang on December 10, 2011.

[630] Bak Seunghan, “Insa malsseum” [Welcoming Words], TS 4(1973): 4.

[631] Yi Jeonggyu, “Gyeokryeo sa’ [Words of Encouragement], TS 4(1973): 5.

[632] See GMY, 230–310.

[633] Personal communication with Mr. Song Heonjo on December 11, 2012. Mr. Song was involved in the Council in the 1970s.

[634] Ha Girak describes this meeting as the third convention of the FAK without explaining when and where it was first organized. See JHBU, 354. On the contrary, the FAK’s homepage explains the meeting in 1972 as the inaugural convention of the FAK. See “Han-guk jaju in yeonmaeng yeonhyeok” [History of the Federation Anarchist Korea], Han-guk jaju in yeonmaeng [The Federation Anarchist Korea], accessed May 6, 2014, www.jajuin.org. I follow the explanation on the FAK’s homepage.

[635] Personal communication with Mr. Kim Young-Chun, Mr. Sin Nage, and Ms. Park Jeong-Hee on June 17, 2015.

[636] “Han-guk jajuin yeonmaeng jeonggwan” [Platform of the Federation Anarchist Korea], Han-guk jajuin yeonmaeng [The Federation Anarchist Korea], accessed May 10, 2014, www.jajuin.org.

[637] Ibid.

[638] Yi Dongwon, “Anarchism ui seongji Anui!” [Anui: A Holly Place of Anarchism!], Hamyang sinmun [Hamyang County Newspaper] (April 6, 2015), accessed June 24, 2015, hy.newsk.net.

[639] The FAK still exists but without visible activities. In an effort to revive it, the Society to Commemorate Yu Rim (Yu Rim gi-nyeom sa-eop hoe) was formed by an anarchist group from the FAK, composed of the former members of the IWPP. This society has been much more active under the leadership of Mr. Kim Young-Chun, a third-generation anarchist. Personal communication with Mr. Kim Young-Chun on March 5 and 31, 2014.

[640] Hwang, “Korean Anarchism,” 198–230.

[641] According to Mr. Lee Mun Chang, Korean anarchists have become passive and/or inactive in organizing and educating workers, compared to their many attempts to organize and educate rural villagers, which still continues, because most Korean workers participated in the Federation of Korean Trade Unions (FKTU, Han-guk nochong) under the dictatorial regimes. The FKTU is believed to be friendly to the South Korean government and used to be under its “control.” Personal communication with Mr. Lee Mun Chang on December 10, 2012. Mr. Kim Young-Chun, on the other hand, told me that the former members of the IWPP were a leading force in initially organizing the FKTU. Personal communication with Mr. Kim Young-Chun, Mr. Sin Nage, and Ms. Park Jeong-Hee on June 17, 2015.

[642] HGA, 7, 18.

[643] Yi Jeonggyu, “Joseon nongchon jachi,” 190 and Yi Jeonggyu, “Hoego wa jeonmang,” 366.

[644] HGA, 1, 3.

[645] HGA, 7, 18.

[646] Yi Jeonggyu, “Pyehae jaegeon gwa sinsaenghwal undong” [The Reconstruction from the Ruins and the New Life Movement], in UM, 279–284.

[647] Yi Jeonggyu, “Jaseo,” 11.

[648] HHH, 276.

[649] HGA, 8–9.

[650] Yi Jeonggyu, “Jaseo,” 13.

[651] Kim Seongguk, “Danju Yu Rim gwa han-guk anarchism ui dokjaseong [Yu Rim and the Peculiarities of Korean Anarchism], Sahoe josa yeon-gu [Studies on Social Investigation] 16 (2001), 59.

[652] Yu’s followers seem to remember and praise Yu as an anarchist who, throughout his life, never compromised his anarchist belief and principles with the dictatorial Rhee regime. Personal communication with Mr. Kim Young-Chun, Mr. Shin Nage, and Ms. Park Jeong-Hee on June 17, 2015.

[653] Unlike the anarchists directly associated with Yi Jeonggyu’s ISNC, Jeong Hwaam and Yang Ildong, for example, continued to participate in politics by joining various progressive/opposition parties after the failed attempt to establish the DSP in 1956.

[654] Hankyoreh 21 [Koreans 21], a special issue on “Anarchism, 21 segi ui jayu” [Anarchism, Freedom for the 21^st Century] 307 (May 11, 2000): 42.

[655] Barbara Epstein, “Anarchism and the Anti-Globalization Movement,” Mionthly Review 53, no. 4 (September 2001), accessed September 12, 2001, www.monthlyreview.org.

[656] Personal communication with Mr. Kim Young-Chun, Ms. Park Jeong-Hee, and Mr. Shin Nage on June 17, 2015. They are all associated with the Society to Commemorate Mr. Yu Rim.

[657] This was the impression I got from a personal communication with Mr. Lee Mun Chang on December 10, 2012, and also from the audience at my talk for the ISNC members and aftertalk conversations with them on June 19, 2015.